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    <title>Archaeolog</title>
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    <updated>2011-12-11T16:24:23Z</updated>
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<entry>
    <title>Archaeolog.org: 2005 to 2011 to . . .</title>
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    <link rel="service.edit" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/mt/mt-atom.cgi/weblog/blog_id=4/entry_id=814" title="Archaeolog.org: 2005 to 2011 to . . ." />
    <id>tag:traumwerk.stanford.edu,2011:/archaeolog//4.814</id>
    
    <published>2011-12-01T03:54:36Z</published>
    <updated>2011-12-11T16:24:23Z</updated>
    
    <summary>Timothy Webmoor and Christopher Witmore Last month archaeolog.org turned six years old. And in the blogging world this ripe old age is quite an accomplishment – a veritable geezer. But this birthday passed unacknowledged and in the midst of one...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Webmoor and Witmore</name>
        
    </author>
            <category term="Want To Contribute?" />
            <category term="contemporary archaeology" />
            <category term="fields of production" />
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        <![CDATA[<p><font color=orange>Timothy Webmoor and Christopher Witmore</font></p>

<p>Last month archaeolog.org turned six years old. And in the blogging world this ripe old age is quite an accomplishment – a veritable geezer. But this birthday passed unacknowledged and in the midst of one of the longest dry spells in archaeolog.org’s history. Since 2005 we have been silent for longer than a month on only three occasions. And there is a reason for this. </p>

<p>Archaeolog.org was fashioned in the creative crucible of the Metamedia Lab at Stanford University; a hub where energies run high and ideas are always effervescent. In October of 2005 Michael Shanks was already a familiar presence in the blogging world with archaeolog.com (thus, we retain the .org domain here). Still, there was a need for an outlet that was community driven; one that captured the spirit and ethos of the lab; an outlet where thoughtful, candid, and substantive exchange merged with inclusivity and a spirit of openness. All archaeologists deserved an channel to say whatever needed to be said. And to state it in whatever way they felt best. No matter what the piece, this was clearly not another blog with off-the-cuff reflections on burnt toast in the morning or the latest episode of X (although it could have been). From the beginning it attempted to provide voice to archaeology’s rich diversity and fill a gap between journals and assemblies for immediate debate with the speed that is indicative of this fast medium. </p>

<p>There was also a need for a forum that recognized that the best way to establish a foothold and set an agenda was to make it visible; to say what needed to be said in public. And to allow for on-going peer-review and appraisal; a key feature of the political ecology of digital media. Archaeolog.org was an answer – one of many co-produced by the Metamedia Lab. <br />
</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p>Christopher Witmore, <a href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/authors.shtml#twebmoor">Timothy Webmoor</a>, and <a href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/authors.shtml#Alfredo">Alfredo González-Ruibal</a>, three of archaeolog.org’s original founders and editors, set to priming the blog with a series of statements on archaeology and modernity, archaeology and STS, the practicalities of fieldwork, and Heideggerian angles on things. These statements were bold and refreshingly honest (or at least we think this of each other’s work). And almost immediately the net was cast much wider. </p>

<p>The ever-prolific <a href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/authors.shtml#phunt">Patrick Hunt</a> shared his research on the effects of altitude and climate on the archaeology in the Grand-St-Bernard Pass, on the iconography of Greek vases and on Roman spolia at the Medieval Church of Bourg-St-Pierre. It wasn’t long before <a href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/authors.shtml#edgeworth">Matt Edgeworth</a>, fresh on the heels of a session at TAG Sheffield, joined archaeolog.org becoming a regular and energetic contributor and later an editor. For the next few months, entry after entry consisted of daring statements and thoughtful responses. There was a wonderful fervent of activity. </p>

<p>In the summer of 2006 the original archaeologers dispersed. Witmore went to Brown. González-Ruibal returned to Spain. Webmoor continued his dissertation at Stanford then left for Oxford. As a result, the archaeolog net was cast even wider through new institutional connections and communities. </p>

<p>Between 2006 and 2009 the graduate students and faculty of Brown University’s Joukowsky Institute for Archaeology and the Ancient World – John Cherry, Elissa Faro, Keffie Fedlman Weiss, Ömür Harmanşah, Alex Knodell, Elizabeth Murphy, Bradley Sekedat, Thomas Urban, among others – became contributors. Krysta Ryzewski, a driven historical archaeologist became another archaeologer and editor for the blog. At the same time an international cadre of contributors began to blossom, thus adding to its diversity with new work and often on awkward topics. Andrew Cochrane shared his work on teaching archaeology and exhibitions. Cornelius Holtorf discussed a range of issues related to heritage and theory. Fotis Ifantidis shared personal ornaments from his work with Neolithic sites in Greece. Alessandra Lopez y Royo presented her research on the crossovers between archaeology and dance. Slobodan Mitrovic discussed the excavation of mass graves in Serbia. Many entries have been cross-postings with other blogs – pointing the way to work which deserved far more recognition. Numerous entries have been expanded into articles, chapters and even books. Just a sampling of these successful spin-outs for analog (we might say accredited) publication include: Edgeworth’s book, <a href="http://www2.le.ac.uk/departments/archaeology/people/edgeworth/fluid-pasts-archaeology-of-flow">Fluid Pasts: Archaeology of Flow</a>; numerous pieces by Webmoor and Witmore including their argument for understanding things are us in Norwegian Archaeological Review, and work by González-Ruibal. 70 contributors from dozens of different countries – India and Iceland, Spain and Serbia, Germany and Greece, Turkey and Tunisia, Canada, Norway, Sweden, the UK and USA. And over the years graduate students have been the major source of energy behind archaeolog.org.</p>

<p>The blog peaked at various points with as many as 50 thousand hits a month – and not just spam bots. Archaeolog.org was embedded in the public sphere. “Impact”, “public outreach”, and other fuzzy concepts we’ve had to accept as part of the academy’s audit culture have come to denote, if not stress, social media and popular/trade publication. Now even citation indices, like Google Scholar, partially track these links between public and academic literature. </p>

<p>Archaeolog.org was palpably part of the shift to web-based scholarship. And all in all it has been extremely successful. None of this, however, could have happened without the willingness of contributors to embrace archaeolog.org as a space to take risks. There seemed some genuine desire to have an outlet for realizing the collegial ideals of openness, serious debate, public and peer scrutiny, and, most importantly, to share ideas and work that were not already polished – or should we say armored – for more mainstream academic reception. It signaled a willingness to take stands but also engage thoughtful commentary and feedback, from anyone and everyone, and, at times, reign in one’s hubris.  </p>

<p>So now that archaeolog.org has reached six years old and 167 original posts it is an opportune moment to offer this retrospective and urge a renewal. We note that the dynamics of blogging have shifted dramatically since 2005. Now there are a host of self-publishing platforms that require very little to get started. And server hosting and management itself is no longer as difficult as it once was. Spam no longer requires daily vigilance on the part of bloggers and, fortunately, design and usability have benefited from an expanding blogosphere. Gone are the days of 'midnight runs' to the Metamedia Lab to restart the 'server' (an old converted desktop Mac). Blogging has also become more mainstream, more predictable and, yes, even more boring. Some, but certainly not all, of the daringness that accompanies a new medium has waned. The fruits of acclimatization and accommodation. Content is tailored to our repertoire of readerly ingress and smoothed in light of professional standards. For instance, at some departments and universities it is expected that we’ll each have an accessible web-based ‘profile’ page. Though some may stubbornly resist, at the least most of us as academics feel the pressure to have a 'presence' on the Internet. </p>

<p>Archaeolog.org has also, in a way, followed the trajectory of its founders. Professional maturation, from PhD students to Postdocs to Professors, has meant a professionalization to the content of archaeolog.org. A preponderance of ruminations, reflections, and provocations have yielded, perhaps inexorably, to stand-alone pieces, the ready-for-print and announcements of ‘analog activities’. We have new sets of responsibilities and accountabilities and, as a result, maybe we have fallen back onto traditional press. We have, perhaps, to use a phrase borrowed from Mel Pollner in prodding STS, “moved out to the suburbs”(!?). </p>

<p>Now, with a multitude of personal blogs that tend to resign themselves to self-promotion or the tallying of uninteresting details, the idea of a collective blog seems strangely antiquated, even if it is in the minority. Yet, we continue to affirm that a collective blog enacts a unique mix of media and colleagues that supports the collegial ideals. Blogging does not have to be ranting, self-promotion, narcissistic or most of all boring. </p>

<p>Archaeolog.org has built a community of shared interest. It has delivered on its mission to be forum where all practitioners can assemble and share ideas, enter discussion and debate and, importantly, invest in thoughtful experimentation. The rough edges of many of our own ideas have been smoothed here. This space has been a help to many young people in the profession, including us, and it will continue to be. </p>

<p>Our aim here is to look back in order to push ahead. Thus, we reaffirm the spirit of inclusivity. We invite archaeologists everywhere to send us new submissions, to share their work, to reflect on what matters to them, and to do so with the honesty and passion that has been a driving force behind archaeolog.org over the last 6 years. </p>

<p>If you would like to contribute have a look here (<a href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/want_to_contribute/">http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/want_to_contribute/</a>). </p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>Manifesto for archaeology of flow</title>
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    <published>2011-10-25T20:47:17Z</published>
    <updated>2011-10-28T20:54:49Z</updated>
    
    <summary>an extract from a new book on the archaeology of rivers and other flows of materials. It argues that rivers are  as susceptible to archaeological and historical analysis as more solid parts of landscapes are. 
</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Matt Edgeworth</name>
        <uri>http://traumwerk.stanford.edu:3455/edgeworth/Home</uri>
    </author>
            <category term="actor-network theory" />
            <category term="assemblages" />
            <category term="hybrid practices" />
            <category term="movement and migration" />
            <category term="symmetry" />
            <category term="theory" />
    
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        <![CDATA[<p><img alt="fisk%20map%20detail5.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/fisk%20map%20detail5.jpg" width="593" height="430" /></p>

<p><em>Map of part of the Lower Mississippi meander belt (Fisk 1944, United States Army Corps of Engineers)</em></p>

<p>Flowing water, like air, tends to be regarded as immaterial. Anything that is fluid, anything that flows, is not usually counted as material culture, no matter how culturally shaped and manipulated it might be. Once accepted as archaeological matter in its own right, however – once incorporated into the archaeologist’s way of seeing – flowing water and other kinds of material flow can radically transform the perception of past landscapes, adding another dimension to archaeological interpretation.</p>

<p>The following manifesto for archaeology of flow is an extract from a new book on the archaeology of rivers and other flows of materials. It argues that rivers - the 'dark matter' of  landscape archaeology - are just as susceptible to archaeological and historical analysis as more solid parts of landscapes are. <br />
  <br />
</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p><strong><u>Manifesto</u></strong> </p>

<p>Matter can be in any one of three main states: solid, liquid or gas. In the archaeological study of landscapes, solid matter takes priority. Pick up almost any book on British landscape archaeology and you will find solid materials highlighted, with flowing liquid and gaseous materials cast into shadow. Rivers and streams are the dark matter of landscape archaeology (but no less vibrant for all that). Running through the heart of landscapes, shape-shifting and state-changing as they go, they are rarely subjected to the kind of cultural analysis applied to solid materials. Flowing water tends to be regarded as part of a natural background against which past cultural activity shows up, next to which sites are located, onto which cultural meaning is applied or into which cultural items are placed, rather than having any cultural dimension in its own right. Yet human activity, in the form of modification of rivers, is inextricably bound up with the so-called ‘natural’ water cycle. As dynamic entanglements of natural and cultural forces, rivers have the potential to re-shape (our understanding of) landscape and our understanding of it. This manifesto presents six interlinked reasons for bringing the dark matter of landscapes into the domain of archaeological study. </p>

<p><br />
<em><strong>1. Rivers are cultural artefacts</strong></em></p>

<p>Rivers, especially in densely populated countries like Britain, are some of the most culturally modified of all landscape features. But in using the term artefact, I do not just mean that rivers and their flow have been artificially shaped. I also mean that, in being manipulated and controlled to some extent, their flow is used to shape other things. Through watermills, flow was deployed in the past to shape numerous materials and turn these into artefacts too. More recently, electricity generated from hydro-electric power plants on rivers has been turned to countless uses in shaping every aspect of the modern industrialised world. River flow has even been utilised in wartime as a weapon. Modified and manipulated rivers have also gone on to change the shape of deltas, floodplains, and other large-scale landforms. </p>

<p><br />
<em><strong>2. Rivers are partially wild</strong></em></p>

<p>No matter how shaped, controlled and managed they may be, rivers also have a wild aspect that is not entirely predictable, can act in unforeseen and surprising ways, and have the capacity at least temporarily to escape from culturally applied forms. That wildness means that any attempt to control flow will not simply be the application of a cultural force onto an inert and passive substance, for flowing water is an especially vibrant kind of matter that can act or respond in sometimes unforeseen and surprising ways, requiring counter-responses. It makes any human involvement with rivers more like a wrestle, an intertwining, a confluence, an enmeshment, an assemblage or an entanglement. Whatever metaphor we use, it is this dynamic merger of natural and cultural materials and agencies, ravelling and unravelling through time, that makes the archaeological study of rivers so interesting. </p>

<p><br />
<img alt="fisk11.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/fisk11.jpg" width="591" height="588" /></p>

<p><em>A detail from geologist Harold Fisk’s series of 15 maps of the Lower Mississippi floodplain (Fisk 1944, United States Army Corps of Engineers) showing present and former courses of the river. Its course greatly straightened today, for the last two thousand years the Mississippi has been writhing around like an eel caught up with a fishing line. Entwined with the snaking, looping channels are numerous archaeological sites, political boundary lines (which shift as the river moves) and traces of past cultural interventions in patterns of flow and river movement. </em> </p>

<p><br />
<em><strong>3. Human activity and river activity are intertwined</strong></em></p>

<p>It used to be assumed that river activity and floodplain formation were mainly natural processes, therefore not subject to archaeological (cultural) analysis. But it turns out that many of the standard hydrological models of river erosion and sedimentation are based on studies of streams that – far from being natural as thought – had actually been subject to extensive human modification in the past. Evidence of extensive human intervention in river and floodplain morphology is clear for the modern world, not so obvious for earlier periods. Yet it can be found, for example, in medieval Europe and along the wadis of the ancient Near East, or the monumental levees and raised floodplains of the Yellow River in China. For their part rivers have woven their way into the very fabric of human existence – flowing through the centre of towns, under bridges, beside parks and gardens, into sluices and culverts and cooling towers. Rivers also run through dreams, songs, designs, projects, poems, memories and myth. They are part of the human story. </p>

<p><br />
<em><strong>4. Understanding rivers entails understanding past human activities (and vice versa)</strong></em> </p>

<p>Now is the time to do away with those old physical geography lessons and ubiquitous diagrams that present the hydrological cycle (evaporation → condensation → precipitation → flow → evaporation → and so on) as entirely natural processes, somehow separate from human activity. In intervening in patterns of river flow – either directly (through damming, diversion, dredging, embanking, draining, irrigation, etc.) or indirectly (through deforestation, agricultural practices, etc.) – humans have been a part of the water cycle for thousands of years, effecting sediment flows and landscape formations. Rivers and streams have long been cyborgs (Haraway 1985) or hybrids (Latour 1993) – dynamic assemblages of materials, flows and forces, both human and non-human - while at the same time being part of such cyborgs and hybrids. Human interventions in rivers today are of a much greater order of magnitude, it is true, but these are still on historical trajectories of human-river entanglement originating in the more or less distant past. It might well be asked, how can rivers be understood, and how can effective strategies be put in place for dealing with rivers, if those historical trajectories are not taken into account? </p>

<p><br />
<em><strong>5. Rivers are dangerous, therefore good to think with</strong></em></p>

<p>As when a river in flood breaks through or over its artificial banks, and carves itself a new channel, flow always threatens to break down the cultural order of things. It is precisely this dangerous and wild aspect of rivers that makes them good to think with. Flow has its own logic, which works in eddies, currents, streamlines, vortices and turbulences, flowing round and over the logic of non-flowing solid materials. It encourages us to break down polarities of thought, such as rigid oppositions between nature and culture, and not to respect too much the boundaries between different disciplines. Adopting a multidisciplinary approach, making use of insights from both natural science and cultural studies, shifting between scales of analysis, looking always for different ways of looking at things, would be entirely in keeping with archaeology of flow. Flow itself challenges us to adopt more fluid and dynamic forms of investigation. To think in terms of flow leads to a greater emphasis on continuities – less on discontinuities. Simply by bringing flow into the scope of study has the potential to change our way of thinking about things radically. </p>

<p><br />
<em><strong>6. Flowing water provides models for understanding other kinds of landscape flows</strong></em></p>

<p>Water and mud are not the only kinds of material that flow through archaeological landscapes. People, goods, money, vehicles, animal herds, and many other entities exhibit flowing patterns of behaviour, leaving traces in the archaeological record. Nor are rivers and streams the only kind of material feature to channel flow. Paths, hollow-ways, processional routes, staircases, station concourses, signposts, high street banks, fibre-optic cables, turnstiles at football grounds, layouts of streets within a town or city, and so on, all channel material flows of one kind or another, one of these flows being the movement of archaeologists themselves. Even the painted animals in the caves of Lascaux have a flow to them, when considered in the light of the perspective of an embodied perceiver moving through the caves, as opposed to studying them from a fixed standpoint.</p>

<p>What happens if we apply models of flow to archaeological evidence that has previously been understood only as solid material?</p>

<p><br />
<strong>References cited</strong></p>

<p>Fisk, H. N. (1944) Geological investigation of the alluvial valley of the lower Mississippi River, Report for the US Army Corps of Engineers, Vicksburg, MS.</p>

<p>Haraway, D. (1985) ‘A manifesto for cyborgs: science, technology and socialist-feminism in the 1980s’, Socialist Review 80: 65-108.</p>

<p>Latour, B. (1993) We have never been modern (Cambridge MA, Harvard University Press).</p>

<p><br />
<strong>Notes</strong></p>

<p>This article is comprised of extracts from a new book entitled <em><a href="http://www2.le.ac.uk/departments/archaeology/people/edgeworth/fluid-pasts-archaeology-of-flow">Fluid Pasts: Archaeology of Flow</a> </em>by Matt Edgeworth, published in September 2011 by Bristol Classical Press (part of Bloomsbury Academic). The book began its life as an article called <a href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/2008/04/rivers_as_artifacts_towards_an.html">Rivers as Artifacts written for Archaeolog in 2008</a>. The 'manifesto' was first presented as a paper in the ‘Manifestos for Materials’ session, TAG, University of Bristol, 2010. </p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>Experimenting with the Dérive Experience of Landscapes</title>
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    <published>2011-09-10T19:57:43Z</published>
    <updated>2011-09-27T15:25:43Z</updated>
    
    <summary>This is an excerpt from a portion of a paper entitled &quot;Three Cities: thinking through embodied archaeologies with experiments in psychogeography and urban design&quot; which I gave at TAG Berkeley back in May. The full version is available here: http://archaeologiesensoria.wordpress.com...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Catherine Zagar</name>
        <uri>http://archaeologiesensoria.wordpress.com</uri>
    </author>
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        <![CDATA[<p>This is an excerpt from a portion of a paper entitled "Three Cities: thinking through embodied archaeologies with experiments in psychogeography and urban design" which I gave at TAG Berkeley back in May. The full version is available here: <a href="http://archaeologiesensoria.wordpress.com/2011/05/14/post-tag-2011-powerpoints-etc-2-psychogeography/">http://archaeologiesensoria.wordpress.com</a></p>

<p><font color=yellow>Three cities, three walks.</font></p>

<p>During the Binchester excavations, I took three walks that purposefully mirrored Michael Shanks' archaeological study of 'Three Rooms,' situation, power, and knowledge production (2004) and the 'Three Landscapes' Metamedia project at Stanford. The purpose of these walks was explicitly psychogeographical. As an archaeologist, I meant to attempt the dérive in three cities related to the landscape of the Roman Frontier: Durham, Nijmegen, and Edinburgh, and produce primary sensory data of the performative, documentary, and narrative turns that characterize an embodied cultural production of a landscape (Campbell and Ulin 2004). The study of these particular cities potentially add to the thematic study of Roman Frontiers and urbanism occurring at Binchester by nature of their historical situation, but at present they do more to consider, from a contemporary position, how a body might come to understand a landscape based on the principles of urban design. The experimental walks expose the ways in which the built environment regulates bodies, specifically by placing in their paths objects and spaces (stairs, passages, gateways, signs, structures, etc.) that come with variable social codes (where to walk, when to walk, who can center, what to do and not do, etc.). Thus, the desired result of the dérive experiment is to align present and past politics and extend the notions of 'embodiment' in archaeology by focusing on the organization of cities.</p>

<p>The following sections present excerpts of process and data simultaneously through media and narrative. I followed the landscape without prior viewing of a map, without ever having been in the cities prior to experience their topographies. I attempted the mental map and the archaeological deep map by collecting and organizing information I gathered along my paths from buildings, street names, placements of objects, memorials, and open spaces, vistas, smells, the occasional local book, the intonations of conversations, and so forth. By reproducing the experience through narrative, digital video, photographs, audio recordings, and drawings, I paid most attention to non-material trace through the material world, and sensory, cognitive, emotional, and aesthetic details of landscape.</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p><font color=yellow>Durham: The Performative Turn.</font></p>

<p>In the nineteenth century, William Hutton walked the distance of Hadrian‟s Wall, documenting not only the landscape, but engaging with it in an embodied way: his notes concern the affective power of the wall in evoking his memories and prior historical knowledge, and emotions that varied from pleasure to disappointment and loneliness (Nesbitt and Tolia-Kelly 2009). His experience of a divide of urban and rural, and internal-external boundaries reflected a social preference of industrialism at the time, but also the notion of Roman border politics; his choice of work belongs to performance phenomenology. As an archaeologist, I perform (acts, choices, tableaus) in order to produce awareness of my surroundings.</p>

<p>Length of experiment: Three hours in audio-video <br />
Beginning point: Lobby of 16 North Bailey, following residential street to River Wear <br />
End point: Front door of 1 North Bailey <br />
Orientation of walk: River Wear</p>

<p>First performance: Mid-afternoon yesterday I listened to a man tell me that if I walked down North Bailey I would come to the lamppost that inspired the Chronicles of Narnia—unbelievable to me, but possibly a part of the town's self-perceived local history. Today, I intend to walk down this street to the River Wear, and walk along it as if it were Hadrian's Wall to the north. I come to a central point before a bridge, where the pavement becomes gravel, where 5 lampposts form a circle but no buildings are visible from the river crossing. Along the way, I can tell this was a coal-mining town at some point in the past by the metal boot scrapers built directly into the buildings near their entrances. They are not in use now, though, because they have been cleaned and brightly painted.</p>

<p>Second performance: I take 102 stairs and come upon an enclosed alley and a red brick structure that creates claustrophobia and the anxiety of being lost in an agitating colour, until suddenly cathedral spires become visible. I climb down 18 stairs to a footbridge over the Wear as two men in suits are having a conversation in French, and since they know the place and each other resolutely they must not be tourists. I walk up a hill to a sign that points to Darlington Street and enter Saint Oswald's cemetery from the back, which is over grown and I get caught in the tangled grasses. The intonation of tombstones talks to me of Catholicism and Protestant women who died before their parents. I am moved to pity. I know how their resting place has changed in taste since then because raspberry bushes are surrounded by treaded grass and it opens a path to a green space, and they are in season. Etc.</p>

<p><font color=yellow>Nijmegen: The Documentary Turn.</font></p>

<p>An important concern of documentation in archaeology filters from cultural anthropology and ethnographic documentation—the positional realities of things, and awareness that the focus of the camera lens at any given point tells a different narrative on the landscape. These narratives are not false because they shift as the camera shifts, or as the record of material trace shifts in different notations. Rather, they move towards embodiment: a range of experiences, not detached from the actual objects and social relations may be involved in photographs. Shanks reminds archaeologists that “in the texture of their detail, photographs provide a partially involuntary record; there is always in every photograph some escape from intentionality and processed experience” (1997:100), and they reveal the psychogeographer in only partial control of the landscape studied and the sensory narrative produced. As an archaeologist, I photograph traces (objects and structures) and organize them in order to explicitly read the subjective reality of place.</p>

<p>Length of experiment: Five hours in photography <br />
Beginning point: 21 Okaapistraat <br />
End point: Entrance to Museum Het Valkhof <br />
Orientation of walk: Sint Anna to main roundabout and Waal River</p>

<p><img alt="fig1okaapistraat.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/fig1okaapistraat.jpg" width="600" height="400" /><br />
Fig.1 note left at the end of Okaapistraat</p>

<p><img alt="fig2bicyclepathred.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/fig2bicyclepathred.jpg" width="600" height="400" /><br />
Fig. 2 red indicates bicycle path</p>

<p><img alt="fig3overpass.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/fig3overpass.jpg" width="600" height="400" /><br />
Fig. 3 overpass looking down on trains</p>

<p><img alt="fig4nederland.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/fig4nederland.jpg" width="600" height="400" /><br />
Fig. 4 eagle as Nederland</p>

<p><img alt="fig5mainsquare.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/fig5mainsquare.jpg" width="600" height="400" /><br />
Fig. 5 Main square looking to St. Stephens</p>

<p><img alt="fig6waal.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/fig6waal.jpg" width="600" height="400" /><br />
Fig. 6 Residential section of Waal River</p>

<p><font color=yellow>Edinburgh: The Narrative Turn.</font></p>

<p>Archaeological narrative is bound up in mimetic forces as the reflection and imitation of what actually happened in trace, memory, and fragment. But how does embodied experience and memory translate into narratives of past events? Psychogeography and the psychogeographer had their origins in the literary tradition and in the dérive of a physical city across a mental and cultural map that exists in memory and remembered experience: With the street no longer familiar, “the would-be stroller is forced to retreat inwards and to internalize his wandering” (Coverley 2010). By engaging the narrative form, Campbell and Ulin (2004) propose means to move into embodied archaeologies as modes of cultural production and the praxis of creative narrative, wherein writing becomes performative and the situation of historical reality involves translation from trace material and non-material experience to coherent textual representation. As an archaeologist, I produce and critique narratives of the past through perception—by juxtaposing them onto present landscapes and highlighting personal points of reference and psychogeographical patterns of social and historical information.</p>

<p>Length of experiment: Two hours literary organization of dérive via video of train ride out of Waverley <br />
Beginning point: Waverley Railway Station <br />
End point: Waverley Railway Station <br />
Orientation of walk: Situating High Street</p>

<p><img alt="fig1waverley.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/fig1waverley.jpg" width="600" height="400" /><br />
Fig. 1 train leaving Waverley</p>

<p><img alt="fig2edinburgh.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/fig2edinburgh.jpg" width="600" height="400" /><br />
Fig. 2 train passing outskirts of Edinburgh</p>

<p><font color=yellow>References</font></p>

<p>Campbell, Fiona, and Jonna Ulin. 2004. <em>Borderline Archaeology: a practice of contemporary archaeology—exploring aspects of creative narratives and performative cultural production</em>. PhD dissertation. Götenborg University.</p>

<p>Coverley, Merlin. 2010. <em>Psychogeography</em>. Harpenden: Pocket Essentials.</p>

<p>Nesbitt, Claire, and Divya Tolia-Kelly. 2009. Hadrian‟s Wall: embodied archaeologies of the linear monument. <em>Journal of Social Archaeology</em> 9(3): 368-390.</p>

<p>Shanks, Michael, 1997. Photography and Archaeology. In The Cultural Life of Images: Visual Representation in Archaeology, edited by B.L. Molyneaux, pp. 73-107. Routledge: London.</p>

<p>Shanks, Michael, 2004. Three Rooms: Archaeology and Performance. <em>Journal of Social Archaeology</em> 4(2): 147-180.</p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>Science and Technology Studies (STS) and Anthropology: What is the status of our descriptions?  </title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/2011/07/science_and_technology_studies.html" />
    <link rel="service.edit" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/mt/mt-atom.cgi/weblog/blog_id=4/entry_id=810" title="Science and Technology Studies (STS) and Anthropology: What is the status of our descriptions?  " />
    <id>tag:traumwerk.stanford.edu,2011:/archaeolog//4.810</id>
    
    <published>2011-07-30T10:12:50Z</published>
    <updated>2011-08-10T12:07:11Z</updated>
    
    <summary> &quot;The goal of descriptive adequacy is unattainable but continually haunts the endeavor, lying alongside, but in another time, and speaking back, like the immaterial ghosts of prophecy or the value of a currency.&quot; (Maurer 2005, p. 54) What is...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Timothy Webmoor</name>
        <uri>http://www.webmoor.com</uri>
    </author>
            <category term="anthropology" />
            <category term="design" />
            <category term="fields of production" />
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            <category term="visual media" />
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/">
        <![CDATA[<p><img alt="bnr_logo737x72.gif" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/bnr_logo737x72.gif" width="700" height="70" /></p>

<p><em>"The goal of descriptive adequacy is unattainable but continually haunts the endeavor, lying alongside, but in another time, and speaking back, like the immaterial ghosts of prophecy or the value of a currency." (Maurer 2005, p. 54)</em></p>

<p>What is it to describe? What ambitions and hopes do we attach to our descriptions? How do we make them "work" for us as policy advisers, spokespeople, critics and ethnographers? While the goal of adequate representation has been disputed for a long time, the status, construction and performativity of our descriptions remain an open question. In Mutual Life, Limited (2005), Bill Maurer notes that despite consensus on the impossibility of accurate and adequate descriptions, it continues to haunt "the [ethnographic] endeavor". Hereby he points to an aesthetics of ethnography which, despite claims to relativism, in many cases still makes use of the persuasive rhetoric of "being there" (see also Strathern, 2004, p. 10). Roland Barthes (1982) has similarly argued that the prose of a plethora of details and descriptions characterizing ethnography is to create the "effect of the real", which is part of constructing the ethnographic authority (Barthes in Knuuttila 2002).</p>

<p>With the "crisis of representation" of the 1980s comfortably behind us, we now see different questions about description, reflexivity and modes of writing emerging. The anthropological style and prose of "being there" with its representational effects is still deployed widely, leaving behind reflexivity debates as an issue of past concerns. Others add a few extra voices and confessions as a placeholder for epistemological self-awareness. A third position, lateral ethnography, uses empirical descriptions to question the very practices of anthropological ways of knowing. How can we understand these divisions in styles of ethnographic description? What are their implications? In this session, we explore how Science and Technology Studies (STS) can offer alternative understandings for how descriptions come to matter. Those working in the field of STS have long studied how different representations are achieved, in production, assembly, and circulation. Applying a sensitivity to the various ways in which the distinctions between fact and fiction, culture and nature, are enacted, it offers a vocabulary for exploring different modes of describing and writing. Taking our own descriptions as a starting point, we discuss how various reflexive and post-reflexive moves can inform the manner in which our ethnographic descriptions are deployed.</p>

<p>At the upcoming <a href='http://www.aaanet.org/meetings/'>American Anthropological Association (AAA)</a> meetings in Montreal, Canada, a collaboration amongst anthropologists, archaeologists and STSers will convene to delve deeper into these questions. In the session, the following papers will be presented:</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p><strong>Thick Description On Diet - or What Does It Mean to Represent?</strong> Helene Ratner (Copenhagen Business School)</p>

<p>Abstract: Within anthropology and STS alike, the enactment of a "realist genre" or an authoritative voice such as the royal "we" has produced much concern (Clifford and Marcus 1986; Woolgar 1988), with the call for multi-vocality or literary experiments to "disrupt the apprehension of texts as 'objective' accounts" as a result (Woolgar 1988). Such reflexive approaches, however, have been dismissed for assuming that: "the most deleterious effect of a text is to be naively believed by the reader as in some way relating to a referent out there. Reflexivity is supposed to counteract this effect by rendering the text unfit for normal consumption (which often means unreadable)” (Latour 1988, p. 168). According to Latour, the problem is not one of being too persuasive in conventional writing but rather one of engaging with the (more) serious concerns of the people we study (Latour 2005, p. 33). Descriptions perform not through representation but as "action at a distance". Revisiting the reflexivity debate, this paper addresses questions of how descriptions perform and the implications beliefs about the performativity of research has for writing. Instead of resorting to textual experiments as to break a narrative calling to "represent", it proposes to understand research as "partial connection" (Strathern 1991). This is a work of mutual engagement and experimentary articulations which is about adding agency to "observer" and "observed" rather than representation (Jensen and Lauritsen 2005). This raises different concerns with writing than those of epistemological angst.</p>

<p><strong>Description As Prescription - or What Does It Mean to Say That Documents Are Performative?: On 'theory-Hope' and 'politics of Description' In Performative Science and Technology Studies</strong> Christopher Gad (IT University of Copenhagen)</p>

<p>Abstract: In STS, the concept of performativity has been used in an ontological argument to counter a representationalist world-view (Pickering 1995). Performativity has later been used to conceptualize how market- worlds are partially constituted by how they are described. Models, theories, etc. take part in the cultural production of what they re-present (MacKenzie, Muniesa, and Siu 2007). This means that descriptions of all kinds must be investigated in terms of their prescriptive and agential potentials and effects: ‘what they say' is not as important as what they (might) do (Dogonova & Eyquem-Renault 2009). According to Michel Callon (2010), performative accounts allow us to imagine how things could always be performed differently. Judith Butler (2010) suggests that performative thinking allows engaging in a continuous ‘argument with the real', as an ongoing contestation of ‘truths'. In that regard, both suggest that politics emerge from performative thinking. Paul Du Gay (2010), however, comments this ‘hope' is strongly related to ‘a moment of theory.' While claiming to be political, what ‘practical politics' flow from performativity in general remains unclear. This paper addresses how ‘politics of description' emerge through a Danish case. The paper argues that what texts say and what they do have to be read in specific juxtaposition. Complexities of reading and writing both with and against performative texts (Jensen and Lauritsen 2005) is thus a central concern of the paper. The case exemplifies how particular issues concerning the purpose of description emerged in the moment of imagining a specific research topic as performed.</p>

<p><strong>Descriptions As Companions? Notes from an Uneasy Relationship</strong> Malte Ziewitz (University of Oxford)</p>

<p> Abstract: Descriptions still tend to be conceptualized in terms of what Harvey Sacks (1963) famously called the ”commentator machine”: a device consisting of two parts, one of which engages in some practical activity and one of which produces a form of language about the first part. But what happens if we abandon this distinction and move beyond the various attempts at generating ‘correspondence', ‘mirroring' or ‘meaning'? What if we accept that our descriptions lead a life of their own? What if they do not simply ‘describe', but ‘do' things? In this paper, I will mobilize recent ideas from STS about symmetry, agency and performativity to explore an understanding of descriptions as actors or, as Arthur Frank (2010) suggests with reference to Donna Haraway's (2003, 2008) trope, “material semiotic companions”. Using material from a recent ethnographic study of web-based feedback schemes, I will report on my encounters with both my own and others' descriptions and the heterogeneous relations they entered, maintained and disrupted. I will sketch my attempts to follow and take care of them as a ‘good' companion, but also recount moments of loss, betrayal and corruption. Rather than regarding descriptions as privileged windows into some otherworldly reality or narrative devices at the hands of the author, I will illustrate how they are implicated in the making of selves and sociality, defying the unimportant difference between ‘discourse' and ‘doings'.</p>

<p><strong>The Matter-Ing of Descriptions: Four Propositions</strong> Timothy Webmoor (University of Oxford)</p>

<p>Abstract: So what difference to our descriptions, field notes and narratives make? If we agree with Law (e.g. 2010:173) and other material semiotic sympathisers that to be real something must make a difference, how do I begin to think my writings in the field matter, where do I detect that difference? How would I trace their matter-ing, their reality-making? Exhuming my own descriptions from recent fieldwork at a software development lab in London, I suggest that the status of ethnographic descriptions often involve several issues. First, closet representationalism - and a coherentism at that. A working assumption is that I am rendering faithfully what is going on in these interactions. Second, “out of the box.” That is, already ready for assembly. My notes anticipate other obligations and accountabilities, primarily write-up for publication. To matter beyond satisfying my desire to understand this field setting I need to circulate my descriptions. Third, visual outsourcing of rhetoric and creativity. To matter I want some compelling visuals to supplement my textual narrative. This argument of the visual as supplemental evidence is well rehearsed. Nonetheless, I still take them for assembly with my text later on for this reason. Finally, temporal ebbs and flow. There is a temporal path to matter-ing, but it doesn't seem very linear or sequential. Some of the process is anticipated, but there are many iterations to how the descriptions – textual, visual and I should add auditory too – will be involved in matter-ing along my research path.</p>

<p><strong>Archaeological Description and Doubt</strong> Christopher L Witmore (Texas Tech University)</p>

<p>Abstract: What role does skepticism play in archaeological descriptions? What does the question of doubt reveal about the adequacy of a description? What is the relationship of skepticism to the issues of accountability and ultimately trust? This paper addresses these questions by taking a closer look at the modes of articulation deployed in an archaeological excavation at the remains of a Roman fort in Binchester, UK.</p>

<p>For more information about the session please contact <a href='http://webmoor.com'>Tim Webmoor</a>.<br />
</p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>Object orientations? A commentary on Graham Harman&apos;s intervention in STS and archaeology</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/2011/05/object_orientations_a_commenta.html" />
    <link rel="service.edit" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/mt/mt-atom.cgi/weblog/blog_id=4/entry_id=806" title="Object orientations? A commentary on Graham Harman's intervention in STS and archaeology" />
    <id>tag:traumwerk.stanford.edu,2011:/archaeolog//4.806</id>
    
    <published>2011-05-21T13:35:44Z</published>
    <updated>2011-05-24T11:28:28Z</updated>
    
    <summary> Graham Harman diagrams the &apos;fourfold&apos; object for STSers and archaeologists at the Institute for Science, Innovation and Society, Oxford Graham Harman recently visited Oxford for a week as part of a Mellon funded Sawyer Seminar. The organisers, archaeologist Chris...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Timothy Webmoor</name>
        <uri>http://www.webmoor.com</uri>
    </author>
            <category term="actor-network theory" />
            <category term="speculative realism" />
            <category term="things" />
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/">
        <![CDATA[<p><img alt="Harman-STS-web.gif" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/Harman-STS-web.gif" width="600" height="450" /><br />
<strong>Graham Harman diagrams the 'fourfold' object for STSers and archaeologists at the Institute for Science, Innovation and Society, Oxford</strong></p>

<p><a href="http://doctorzamalek2.wordpress.com/">Graham Harman</a> recently visited Oxford for a week as part of a Mellon funded Sawyer Seminar. The organisers, archaeologist Chris Gosden and geographer Sarah Whatmore, both of the University of Oxford, put together an innovative format whereby scholars who think and write about the supposed 'ontological turn' were gathered together with objects at the fantastically eclectic Pitt Rivers Museum. Immersed in musty stuff, the scholars were to think freshly about the interdiscplinary importance of things by talking through objects in-the-hands. Perhaps at home with the Heideggerian 'throwness' of the event, Harman contributed to the discussions through his advocacy of <strong>Object-oriented Philosophy</strong>. A theme which emerged at the event, particularly at the more conventional series of presentations held mid-week, was whether a turn to ontology could ever possibly 'take things seriously' <em>on their own</em>. Or whether a consideration of objects, devices, instruments and other missing masses - the under-labourers of a host of heterogeneous practices in science and society - must necessarily 'shift out' to a more holistic consideration of the relations that stuff enter into. A lesson of STS has of course been not to a priori bracket off what ingredients are engaged in what we are describing. This analytic agnosticism leads researchers to acknowledge many untoward connections that might have been passed over in 'conventional' studies. So often how we relate to things is through relations.</p>

<p>But do we lose the trees for the forest? </p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p>In emphasizing relations that things enter into, do objects themselves drop out of view? Sometimes reading magnificently sensitive accounts of how constellations of humans and nonhumans are coordinated to become semi-stable phenomena, whether electronic patient records in hospitals, the 'cultural' heritage of an indigenous landscape, or location-based mobile phone technologies, I come away with little idea of the actual objects. Descriptions seem sometimes too eager to pass quickly to the 'higher order' scale of commodity derivative trading, identity formation in the neolithic or atherosclerosis enactment and management. Is it intellectually blasé or even disreputable to describe objects themselves?  </p>

<p>This is where Harman's work intervenes. Amongst his many works that merge "the centaur of classical metaphysics . . . with the cheetah of actor-network theory," chapter 6 in his <em>Prince of Networks</em> cautions against the influential trend of relationism in much of STS. Of course, we might subtly question the very categorisation and boundaries taken up in definitions of objects as isolated, discreet and self-contained. But Graham undertakes just this. A very close and phenomenologically sophisticated and sensual study of objects and their 'essence' as unified entities that can neither be reduced to their relations with other humans and nonhumans, nor exhausted by their qualities. But then 'essences' are out of vogue now too. For STSers, Harman provokes us to pause and consider the 'thingly' qualities of what matters. To consider the trade-offs involved in scaling-out our sophisticated accounts of how things enact ontologies. Archaeologists, who have long produced 'thick descriptions' of objects and developed nuanced theories for the relations of things and persons, find a much needed humility in Harman, a reminder that storying the past can never be too focused on objects themselves. </p>

<p><font color=grey>See Graham's own commentary on the week's events on his</font> <a href='http://doctorzamalek2.wordpress.com/?s=Oxford'>blog</a>.</p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>Part 4 of Moving on to Mobility: Archaeological Ambulations on the Mobile World</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/2011/05/part_4_of_moving_on_to_mobilit.html" />
    <link rel="service.edit" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/mt/mt-atom.cgi/weblog/blog_id=4/entry_id=804" title="Part 4 of Moving on to Mobility: Archaeological Ambulations on the Mobile World" />
    <id>tag:traumwerk.stanford.edu,2011:/archaeolog//4.804</id>
    
    <published>2011-05-06T18:48:06Z</published>
    <updated>2011-05-06T23:06:10Z</updated>
    
    <summary> Motion capture of superimposed images of a moving pole (Étienne-Jules Marey c.1900) Fluid interdependence “While the body moves, movement is not only in the body, but in the world around ...” (Posted by Oscar on Oct 15/2009 04:17AM) Fluid...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Oscar Aldred &amp; Bradley Sekedat</name>
        
    </author>
            <category term="movement and migration" />
    
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<em>Motion capture of superimposed images of a moving pole (Étienne-Jules Marey c.1900)</em> </p>

<p><strong>Fluid interdependence</strong></p>

<p>“While the body moves, movement is not only in the body, but in the world around ...” (Posted by Oscar on Oct 15/2009 04:17AM)</p>

<p>Fluid interdependence as a concern emerges by attaching significance to things not as closed systems that are separate and self-contained, but as highly connected. This is not, however, the ‘becoming’ of distinct entities or distinct sets of relations; rather, it is about the in-between (Deleuze & Guattari 2004: 223; Ingold 2010: 96). This is an argument against separate and distinct realms of people and places, instead arguing for a complex relationality of people and places that are performed and worked on within common ontological grounds. This addresses the problem of dealing with single entities that are always complex intersections. For example, landscapes are ‘endless regimes of flows’ that move at ‘different speeds, scales and viscosities’ (Sheller & Urry 2006: 213). Fluid interdependence is also the ‘complex’ or milieu in which connectivities are situated, and consequently, we can read and summarise the other concerns taken up in our series of pieces on movement within this final category. Thus, dwelling in movement provides an ever-changing (and thus fluid) set of relations. A flat ontology attempts to treat the things in places as they are together – not separated or layered, but interdependent. A place, then, is not an accretion of things over time, but rather a complex series of spatial relationships in a temporal setting derived from the flows that move through them, the former definition neglecting the rhythmic movement that accompanies accretion. </p>

<p><br />
</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p><strong>Forces of fluidity</strong></p>

<p>Archaeology, as David Clarke (1973) tells us, is what archaeologists do. And archaeologists work on what is left behind. But rather than considering this due to the slowness and gradual inertia of material practices, we need to consider that residual objects have archaeological importance precisely because they have survived and have been resilient to the opposing forces of entropy and dispersion, and accretion and deposition (Olivier 2008: 274; Lucas 2008; Aldred & Lucas 2010). The tension between these forces has kept a balance in the material world. Thus, we can forensically follow movement in the hope of not only materialising past material practices, such as movement, but understanding the forces which produce these practices <em>and </em>keep things residual and resilient to transformation. In practice, even the fluid and emergent world we have been presenting needs to ‘stick’ around. In some sense, things do this only because they are useful beyond their intended uses. Making things useful concerns a form of <em>bricolage</em> whereby the practice of archaeology and all of its movements are aligned to the objects it creates. For example, the paths along which movement occurs during surveying archaeology are acts of incorporating by retracing the paths and monuments made in the past. Consequently, the material markers of movement become useful because they structure how a surveyor moves in a landscape. This initial field perspective is often superseded by the interpretative use that these material remains have in accounting for the movements that took place in the past. But if we retain these initial observations, movement as material ‘culture’ is fluid and open to the differing negotiations that emerge as objects. By examining how entities become useful is to follow their transformations. </p>

<p><img alt="M%C3%B6bius_strip_David%20Benbennick_600x372.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/M%C3%B6bius_strip_David%20Benbennick_600x372.jpg" width="600" height="372" /><br />
<em>A Möbius strip: a reaffirming paradox (David Benbennick)</em></p>

<p><strong>Gathering objects</strong></p>

<p>An important force in the transformation of archaeological materials is brought about as objects are gathered together. <em>Þing </em>in Icelandic translates into English as ‘assembly’, a gathering of people to decide on community and national issues: the etymology of the word <em>thing</em>. So a thing is a gathering, an assembling of objects (Witmore <a href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/2010/02/the_realities_of_the_past_arch.html">http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/2010/02/the_realities_of_the_past_arch.html</a>). Shanks has related this idea to the notion of cyborg (<a href="http://humanitieslab.stanford.edu/107/3382">http://humanitieslab.stanford.edu/107/3382</a>), and Olsen has discussed this in reference to removing the object:subject relationality that is based on the a priori assumption of a dichotomy (2003, 2010). How we want to think about thing as a gathering is in reference to movement. This is not a gathering towards, but a gathering along in making the thing; it forefronts the very activeness of making and the movement involved in the gathering process. In other words, a gathering as movement goes along. The process of gathering is itself a form of movement, and it is one that does not stop, but continues to gather, moving on to another assemblage in the process of making new connectivities/assemblies/assemblages/things. Heidegger’s usage of thing is a movement towards, rather than along – a suturing by building a bridge in the making of place as objects gather around its foundations (2008 [1968]). If we turn this around, then gathering as movement changes a thing from something stable and fixed to something mobile that is always transforming into something else – think of the Zeno’s flight of the arrow and its temporal paradox. As Whitehead intimates, we can relate this proposition of movement to those things that appear to be solid, but are actually rather ephemeral (1979). And as Bergson suggests further, the solidity of change is “infinitely superior to that of fixity which is only<em> an ephemeral arrangement between mobilities</em>” (Bergson [1946] 2007: 125 (our italics)). It is not so much the material culture of movement that is the only matter of concern for archaeology, but also the practices used to make these objects, both in the sense of how they were made in the past and how they have been used after this process, including how we ascribe meaning. Consequently, archaeologists should be developing appropriate ways to intervene in the present in representing the past by considering the notion that the material world is always emerging and becoming. Change, not continuity, is the force of the material world. </p>

<p>By way of an end, we would like to highlight the necessity of thinking about residuality in terms of the transformations that occur in movement from the materialised traces, to materialising practices, and the usefulness of material in structuring movements in aligning objects through a kind of bricolage (all above discussed). And, so in ending, we would like to draw your attention to two important themes: rhythm and speed.</p>

<p><br />
<strong>Rhythm and speed</strong></p>

<p>Lefebvre offers some key ideas with which to think about rhythm and speed in the concrete mobilities of social time (1991, 2004), which are inextricably linked to the everyday. He suggests that life is built upon the temporal episodes of the everyday: it is simultaneously the site of, the theatre for, and what is at stake in a conflict between production, consumption, circulation and habitat. These acquired and created rhythms are simultaneously externalised and internalised as well as social: ‘in one day in the modern world, everybody does more or less the same thing at more or less the same times, but each person is really alone in doing it’ (2004: 75). The importance of rhythm and speed are then critical to understanding the relationships that come together in an archaeology of movement, in both the way in which archaeologists study materialised patterns of movement and the materialising tempos of movements; space – time – movement characterise this concern with the rhythms and speed of the everyday and those ‘past’ days obsessively studied by archaeologists. </p>

<p><img alt="Dakar%20ralley%202011_600x400.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/Dakar%20ralley%202011_600x400.jpg" width="600" height="400" /><br />
<em>Converging fluid rhythms in Arica, Chile - a racer rides his motorcycle during the sixth stage of the 2011 Argentina-Chile Dakar rally (Natacha Pisarenko)</em></p>

<p>The two concepts of rhythm for Lefebvre are ‘cyclical’ and ‘linear’. Cyclical processes and movement are innumerable: undulations, vibrations, returns and rotations. ‘Linear’ designates any series of identical facts separated by long or short periods of time. Between them there is an antagonistic unity in which cyclical and linear penetrate one another in an ‘interminable struggle’, but there is also an indissoluble unity in the repetitive tick-tock and the cycle of days and nights. Other categories of time, besides cyclical and linear, are ‘appropriated’ time: a time that forgets time, during which time no longer counts (and consequently is no longer counted). This type of time, Lefebvre argues, is in harmony with itself such that other things no longer matter: as he puts it, ‘time is in time; it is time, but no longer reflects it’ (2004: 77). </p>

<p>For there to be rhythm there must be repetition in movement. Not just any movement, but one that can be defined in terms of its speed (quick or slow, weak or strong) and that returns according to regular and irregular iterations. This brings a differentiated time, a qualified duration; and the same can be said of repetitions, ruptures and resumptions. A rhythm then presupposes its temporal element by being thoroughly marked, accentuated, contrasted. An overall movement occurs within all of these elements and it is a kind of dance: a waltz, which is fast or slow (Lefebvre 2004: 79). However, rhythm is contrasted with its arrhythmia. These are not opposites in the strictest sense of being opposed to one another, but they are different entities – opposites only in language: to understand one we need to understand the other in a rhythm project. In order to study rhythms one must be placed outside of them; to be in them is not to sense them (Lefebvre 2004: 27ff); there needs to be a process of movement. For instance, the rhythms that are produced while moving in a landscape by surveying its archaeology are often not included in archaeological narratives. We are too close to them, or rather they are not sensed. Giving some distance to the ‘choreographies’ of practice not only gives a space for reflection but also a way in which to enfold the exterior space <em>in</em> as if was a dance:</p>

<p>“the imbrications of sign and context, body and consciousness, prepare the construction of a plane of immanence or consistency in movements. It is by virtue of the inherence of the agent of construction (movement) in the materiality of the plane (movement) that dance, more so than any other art, makes itself a plane of immanence directly, in the very act of dancing. To dance is to flow in immanence” (Gil 2004: 126-7). </p>

<p>With this double aspect, field survey as dance rhythm enters into a general relational construction that circulates between space, time, and movement in their becomings, in the way that co-presence, observation, convergence and fluidity coalesce. These conditions are associated with the rhythms and speed of the body, but also those taking place in the wider landscape. What is sensed from this is the formation of multiple kinds of bodies where intensities of speeds and rhythms flow. This has some resonances with those discussed/imagined by Deleuze and Guattari. In particular, where intensities flow in moving bodies where their interior spaces are emptied out. This folding out and in of the space around a body has been discussed in relation to dance by Gil (2006) as body-space by drawing on Merleau-Ponty’s space of the body (2002 [1968]). The surface of the body-space first extends out folding the space around it, and then falls back to skin. In this way, the skin is impregnated with the expurgated interior space. What this means is that the body has no separation between the space outside of it or between its inside space; body is mind and vice versa, and there is only immanence; no traces of material, only trance and allure, like a Möbious body (rather than strip): desire desires to assemble an immanence and to flow (Gil 2006: 31ff). This may be difficult to relate to an archaeology of movement, but it is compelling to consider that the separations such as those that we often focus on archaeologically (such as between past movement and those that we conduct in the present) are rather like the body-spaces that lie outside and inside. But as soon as movement occurs through survey/dance these no longer apply as distinct body-spaces but are one space operating in tandem with the speeds and rhythms of actualised movement as an imminent force of mobility that has no temporality other than the one we make. </p>

<p>In performing movement through each of the presented papers, all the speakers, in some way, moved closer to these kinds of body-spaces where actualised movement was occurring. John wrote of moving bodies, stairs and slopes, all embroiled in the experience of Roman villas. Noach, presented a similar perspective in moving through Cretan palaces. Sarah articulated the feeling/sensing body and the need to discern types of travel and the rates of travel in order to discern its significance. Christine discussed movement and production in a location, happening alongside movement between locations. Oscar teased out the differences and difficulties of representation and experience, considering their rhythms and how they accomplish different connotations in practice. Finally, Brad documented the way a multiplicity of movement coheres in Attic silver mines. These are all beginnings, not an end to our story.</p>

<p><br />
<strong>The desire for mobility: A finale <em>and </em>A beginning</strong></p>

<p>Mobility, for us, is about incorporating our concerns of movement into a broader discourse, archaeological and otherwise, but also in focusing on how what actually moving and conducting archaeology can tells us about how people in the past moved and understood their material worlds. Movement is not about getting somewhere, but holding relevance in a number of arenas. It is not a matter of understanding what societal mechanisms facilitated the distribution of goods from one place to another, but understanding how getting from one place to another influences societal mechanisms. Mobility is about landscapes that are in motion, that house bodies and things in motion, and that do so with simultaneous rhythms. In fact landscape is movement, place, dwelling, experience or otherwise. Above all, the concept of mobility offers an opportunity to assess how archaeology, cultural geography, anthropology, etc. intersect to create substantive accounts of past <em>and </em>present. Always-in-motion creates a set of problems for the notions of representation and narrative that our disciplines encounter daily but often fail to resolve. Mobility is about questioning stability, whether of borders, places or substances, and suggesting an alternative ‘standpoint’ that is not person specific, but context specific in the sense that the moment, the speed, the things, the location, the directionality, and so on, all matter to our accounts of the world. Movement, in this way, is more than the comparison of social perspectives and structures, but the recognition of fluid, interconnected, and distributed happenstances. </p>

<p><strong>References</strong><br />
Aldred, O. and Lucas, G. 2010. Events, Temporalities, and Landscapes in Iceland, in Bolender, D. (ed.) <em>Eventful Archaeologies New Approaches to Social Transformation in the Archaeological Record</em>. New York: SUNY Press. Pp. 189-98<br />
Bergson, H. 2007 [1946]. <em>The creative mind: an introduction to metaphysics</em>. New York: Dover.<br />
Clarke, D. 1973. Archaeology: the loss of innocence, <em>Antiquity</em> 47 185: 6-18.<br />
Deleuze, G. and Guattari, F. 2004. <em>A thousand plateaus</em>. London: Continuum.  <br />
Gil, J. 2006. Paradoxical body, <em>The Dance Review</em> 50:4 (T192): 21-35.<br />
Heidegger, M. 2008 [1968]. Building, dwelling, thinking, in Krell, D. F. (ed.<em>) Basic writings. Martin Heidegger</em>. New York: HarperPerennial Row. Pp. 347-63.<br />
Ingold, T. 2010. The Textility of Making, <em>Cambridge Journal of Economics</em> 34.1: 91-102.<br />
Lefebvre, H. 1991. <em>The production of space</em>. Oxford: Blackwell.<br />
Lefebvre, H. 2004 [1992]. <em>Rhythmanalysis. Space, time and everyday life.</em> London: Continuum. <br />
Lucas, G. 2008. Time and archaeological event, <em>Cambridge Archaeological Journal</em> 18.1: 59-65.<br />
Merleau-Ponty, M. 2002 [1968]. <em>Phenomenology of perception</em>. London: Routledge.<br />
Olivier, L. C. 2008. <em>Le sombre abîme du temps. Mémoire et archéologie</em>. Paris: Seuil.<br />
Olsen, B. 2003. Material culture after text: re-membering things<em>, Norwegian archaeological Review</em>, 36.2: 87–104.<br />
Olsen, B. 2010. <em>In Defense of Things: Archaeology and the Ontology of Objects</em>. Walnut Creek: Alta Mira Press.<br />
Shanks, M. http://humanitieslab.stanford.edu/107/3382<br />
Sheller, M. and Urry, J. 2006. The new mobilities paradigm, <em>Environment and Planning A</em> 38: 207-26.<br />
Whitehead, A. 1979. <em>Process and Reality</em>. New York: The Free Press.<br />
Witmore, C., 2010. http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/2010/02/the_realities_of_the_past_arch.html<br />
</p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>ANT, Ants, and Archaeology: A Meditation on Uncertainty</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/2011/04/ant_ants_and_archaeology_a_med.html" />
    <link rel="service.edit" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/mt/mt-atom.cgi/weblog/blog_id=4/entry_id=803" title="ANT, Ants, and Archaeology: A Meditation on Uncertainty" />
    <id>tag:traumwerk.stanford.edu,2011:/archaeolog//4.803</id>
    
    <published>2011-04-09T20:05:28Z</published>
    <updated>2011-04-12T15:22:08Z</updated>
    
    <summary>Maria O&apos;Connell, Texas Tech University maria.oconnell@ttu.edu In the video clip, a team examines an underground structure somewhere in Brazil. The team is preparing for excavation. Bert Hölldobler and his crew are about to examine the abandoned ruins of a colony...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Maria O&apos;Connell</name>
        
    </author>
            <category term="actor-network theory" />
            <category term="things" />
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/">
        <![CDATA[<p><font color=orange>Maria O'Connell, Texas Tech University</font> maria.oconnell@ttu.edu</p>

<p>In the video clip, a team examines an underground structure somewhere in Brazil. The team is preparing for excavation. Bert Hölldobler and his crew are about to examine the abandoned ruins of a colony of <em>Atta laevigata</em>; leaf cutter ants (Hölldobler and Wilson 2009, 460). As Bruno Latour writes, “An ant writing for other ants, this fits my project very well!” (Latour 2005, 9).  The fact that the colony under investigation was inhabited by ants, and that they have accomplished such a complex, ‘urban’ structure with roads, air exchange systems, chimneys, refuse heaps and even a form of agriculture (fungus gardens), makes it an ideal site for a thought experiment concerning Actor-Network-Theory, uncertainty, possibility, and the archaeological imagination. </p>

<p><iframe title="YouTube video player" width="480" height="390" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/xQERRbU23bU" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen></iframe></p>

<p>Actor Network Theory, as laid out by Latour in <em>Reassembling the Social</em> (2005), posits five uncertainties that should be taken into account when tracing a network of actors:<br />
</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p><em>a) First Source of Uncertainty:</em> There is no group, only group formation. There are many ways to give actors identity. One way, the ANT way, is to allow the actors to identify themselves by their group formation and their own reports.  For Latour, “social aggregates are not the object of an ostensive definition—like mugs and cats and chairs that can be pointed at by the index finger—but a performative definition” (Latour 2005, 34). One can only follow the traces that are left by the performance of the actors themselves. There are, in this investigation, no written traces, nor are the investigators able to decipher the ‘language’, even of the living relatives. For the Atta investigators, the only possible traces are the ruins themselves and their surface traces which manifest as gateways to the underground, surface pathways and clearings, and even pollutions, as well as the observed social behaviors of related social groups. Much can be observed in these traces, but they become uncertain in their multiple possibilities.</p>

<p><img alt="excavationAnts.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/excavationAnts.jpg" width="400" height="341" /></p>

<p><font color=yellow>Figure 1 Partial excavation of harvester ant nest. Taken from “Small things considered: The microbe blog http://schaechter.asmblog.org/schaechter/2010/01/lea.html</font></p>

<p><em>b) Second Source of Uncertainty:</em> Action is overtaken. In any course of action a great variety of agents enter in. For ants, as for humans, “action is not done under the full control of consciousness; action should rather be felt as a node, a knot, and a conglomerate of many surprising sets of agencies that have to be slowly disentangled” (Latour 2005, 43). The agencies involved in any social aggregation are numerous. For the ants, the agencies found in the ruins include, among many others,  fungus chambers, refuse heaps, foraging tunnels, and wind flow (which regulated carbon dioxide and humidity), all of which are mediators for the behavior of the ants. In living colonies, for example, low humidity makes the ants move their fungus gardens to more humid soil (Hölldobler and Wilson 2009).</p>

<p><em>c) Third Source of Uncertainty:</em> Objects have agency too. The types of actors in any social aggregation should be increased. Observing ants in an archaeological sense certainly reminds one that other living beings have agency, but Latour goes further than that.  Hölldobler and Wilson (2009) note that the wind flow over a colony can affect the social life of the ants because it mediates the rate of carbon dioxide exchange. Its mediation means that the wind is an actor in the social aggregation of the colony. When carbon dioxide rates go up, the colony respiration goes down, but it is not the ants which slow down; it is their fungus gardens. Gardens are their primary source of food, and lack of food is a serious crisis. More tunnels must be built for air exchange (Hölldobler and Wilson 2009). Fungus mediates. Fungus has agency. Fungus is an actor! So are tunnels, chambers, ceilings, pathways, clearings, rubbish heaps and other pollutions, etc. </p>

<p><img alt="antnest.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/antnest.jpg" width="500" height="309" /></p>

<p><font color=yellow>Figure 2 Walter Schinkel and Harvester Ant Nest (taken from Centripetal Notion http://centripetalnotion.com/2006/06/01/00:02:14/)</font></p>

<p><em>d) Fourth Source of Uncertainty:</em> Matters of fact vs. matters of concern. Let us indulge the notion that the modern ant society has a nature/culture divide. For said modern ants, the fungus gardens are simply the “wilderness,” a state of nature demanding control. The best Atta scientists are at work discovering and recording data about the fungal world and its interactions. For the rest of society, fungus is merely a matter of fact, something “out there” beyond society and safely ignored. It becomes a matter of concern when the fungus acts by slowing down its growth rate and breathing. Ant newspapers contain stories then about the rising cost of fungus, scarcity, price-gouging, and the fungus crisis out there in the gardens. Something must be done! Matters of concern break down the artificial modern divide, and help one to realize that in any social aggregation, “things could be different, or at least that they could still fail—a feeling never so deep when faced with the final product, no matter how beautiful or impressive it may be” (Latour 2005, 89). Archaeology reminds us, in our modern human society, how often beautiful social aggregates have failed.</p>

<p><em>e) Fifth Source of Uncertainty:</em> Writing down risky accounts. A risky account realizes all of the above uncertainties. The ant excavation video has an accompanying voice over with one account of the ant society. They are “aliens” who lived in a mysterious “megalopolis”, a “city-state” built from their collective “will” and “hive-mind”, with an amazingly complex structure, gardens, chimneys, and air conditioning. Hölldobler and Wilson mention many of the same things in their accounts, but they make different assumptions. For instance, the ant, for them, does not have a hive-mind, or a collective will as such. Rather, like us, their society is made of little individuals doing their jobs. After all, they do have separate bodies and brains. Either one can be a good account, if they take into account the uncertainties as controversies that open the way for others to follow the traces and see what they find.  The purpose of a risky account is, in Latour’s words to “extend the exploration of the social connections a little bit further” (Latour 2005, 128). All texts, including those inscribed in stone or soil, have their uncertainties.</p>

<p>It is not easy being an ANT. It is slow, it is detailed, and above all, it is uncertain. Christopher Witmore has written that” to consider the past in this way is to raise the question of ‘mediation’” (Witmore 2009, 515).  After all, archaeologists ask questions, and such questions can take into account what is observed in the traces and begin to allow for the “bewildering diversity of things which have a share” (Witmore 2009, 514) in the  objects and structures being studied. For example, for the ant archaeologists, the question arising from their observation that the ants have separate brains and bodies is “how does a superorganism [their name for a complex living organization, like society] arise from the combine operation of tiny and short-lived minds?” (Hölldobler and Wilson 2009, 6). One might well ask the same question about any past (or present) human society. The answer, when following the traces for the ants, is it arises in a complex, mediated relationship between the morphology and species of ant, the objects with which they live, including such things as the soil where they dig and the wind currents, objects that they construct, like tunnels, fungus gardens, chimneys, and garbage pits, their own languages for communication, and even what they happen to eat. And the results are beautiful, complex, and multiplicitous as well, varying not only from species to species but among colonies of the same species. If such is true of ants, then perhaps ANT and its uncertainties can help archaeologists imagine what Witmore calls open pasts (Witmore 2009, 514), where the possibilities in an archaeological site are as complex and uncertain as the collectives of objects, humans, and animals which constructed them.</p>

<p><br />
<strong>References</strong></p>

<p>Hölldobler, B. and E.O. Wilson 2009. The superorganism: The beauty, elegance, and strangeness of insect societies. New York: W.W. Norton & Co.</p>

<p>Latour, B. 2005. Reassembling the Social: An introduction to Actor-Network-Theory. Oxford: Oxford University Press.</p>

<p>Witmore, C.L. 2009. ‘Prolegomena to open pasts: On archaeological memory practices,’ Archaeologies: Journal of the World Archaeological Congress, 5(3), 511-545.<br />
</p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>OUTPOST exhibition | Call for contributions</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/2011/03/outpost_exhibition_call_for_co.html" />
    <link rel="service.edit" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/mt/mt-atom.cgi/weblog/blog_id=4/entry_id=802" title="OUTPOST exhibition | Call for contributions" />
    <id>tag:traumwerk.stanford.edu,2011:/archaeolog//4.802</id>
    
    <published>2011-03-18T16:30:50Z</published>
    <updated>2011-03-18T17:04:22Z</updated>
    
    <summary>Sara Perry (University of Southampton) s.e.perry@soton.ac.uk Ian Kirkpatrick (University of Southampton) iankirkpatrick@shaw.ca OUTPOST Curators: Ian Kirkpatrick &amp; Sara Perry University of Southampton 18-19 April 2011 Deadline for proposals: 23 March 2011 Poster presentations have become ubiquitous features of archaeological conferences,...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Sara Perry</name>
        
    </author>
            <category term="art &amp; archaeology" />
            <category term="visual media" />
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/">
        <![CDATA[<p><font color=orange>Sara Perry (University of Southampton) <a href="mailto:s.e.perry@soton.ac.uk">s.e.perry@soton.ac.uk</a></p>

<p>Ian Kirkpatrick (University of Southampton) <a href="mailto:iankirkpatrick@shaw.ca">iankirkpatrick@shaw.ca</a></font></p>

<p><img alt="OUTPOST-exhibition.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/OUTPOST-exhibition.jpg" width="510" height="327" /></p>

<p><a href="http://www.viarch.org.uk/2011-outpost.asp"><u>OUTPOST</u></a><br />
Curators: Ian Kirkpatrick & Sara Perry</p>

<p>University of Southampton<br />
18-19 April 2011</p>

<p>Deadline for proposals: 23 March 2011</p>

<p>Poster presentations have become ubiquitous features of archaeological conferences, acting simultaneously as informational, decorative, architectural, and ritual devices.  In their supposed succinctness they can persuade, deceive and mystify - whilst employing image and text to compress vast quantities of data into highly conventionalized fields of vision.  As archaeological tools they can stand unaccompanied by their author as the sole representative of an idea or body of research, or can be used in tandem with performance as a form of prop or mobile stage-set.</p>

<p><a href="http://www.viarch.org.uk/2011-outpost.asp"><u>OUTPOST</u></a> examines the possibilities of this genre as an intermediary between information and art, monument and meaning.  It seeks innovative and creative interpretations of the archaeological poster presentation which push the boundaries of this format, both physically and conceptually.</p>

<p>We invite artists and academics to respond to this call for posters/artworks as a means to invite discussion and debate about the form, function and future of this frequently overlooked sub-genre of the archaeological intellectual toolkit.</p>

<p>Please send a 50-200 word artistic statement for the creation of an A0 or other-sized/shaped poster presentation and CV, to <a href="mailto:iankirkpatrick@shaw.ca"><u>Ian Kirkpatrick</u></a> or <a href="mailto:s.e.perry@soton.ac.uk"><u>Sara Perry</u></a> by 23 March 2011.</p>

<p>Final decisions will be made by 25 March 2011.</p>

<p><a href="http://www.viarch.org.uk/2011-outpost.asp">http://www.viarch.org.uk/2011-outpost.asp</a></p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p>OUTPOST is one component of the larger <a href="http://www.viarch.org.uk"><u>Visualisation in Archaeology</u> (VIA) project</a>, sponsored by English Heritage. (See our previous archaeolog post on VIA <a href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/2008/12/visualisation_in_archaeology_a.html"><u>here</u></a>.) VIA offers a ‘space’ for scholars and practitioners to examine and showcase high-quality research on visual creation, circulation and consumption in archaeology and across the sciences and humanities.  Since its launch in 2007, VIA has engaged over 200 professionals from around the world in critically exploring the production, the form and the organisational power of images, and in re-thinking the boundaries of that exploration.  <a href="http://www.viarch.org.uk/2011-outpost.asp"><u>OUTPOST</u></a> will feature alongside VIA’s culminating international conference at the University of Southampton on 18-19 April 2011.  For more details on the conference or the project overall, please contact <a href="mailto:s.e.perry@soton.ac.uk"><u>Sara</u></a>.</p>

<p><a href="http://www.viarch.org.uk/2011-outpost.asp">http://www.viarch.org.uk/2011-outpost.asp</a></p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>TAG 2010 Session Review: An Artful Integration? Possible futures for archaeology and creative work.</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/2011/02/tag_2010_session_review_an_art.html" />
    <link rel="service.edit" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/mt/mt-atom.cgi/weblog/blog_id=4/entry_id=799" title="TAG 2010 Session Review: An Artful Integration? Possible futures for archaeology and creative work." />
    <id>tag:traumwerk.stanford.edu,2011:/archaeolog//4.799</id>
    
    <published>2011-02-13T15:13:26Z</published>
    <updated>2011-02-13T16:30:13Z</updated>
    
    <summary>Mhairi Maxwell (AGES, University of Bradford) m.l.maxwell@brad.ac.uk Patrick Hadley (Enkyad Heritage Media) patrick@enkyadheritagemedia.co.uk This archaeolog reviews the session ‘An Artful Integration: Possible Futures for Archaeology and Creative Work’ which took place at TAG Bristol on December 17th 2010 and brought...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Mhairi Maxwell and Patrick Hadley</name>
        
    </author>
            <category term="art &amp; archaeology" />
            <category term="fields of production" />
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/">
        <![CDATA[<p><font color=orange>Mhairi Maxwell (AGES, University of Bradford) <a href="mailto:m.l.maxwell@brad.ac.uk">m.l.maxwell@brad.ac.uk</a></p>

<p>Patrick Hadley (Enkyad Heritage Media) <a href="mailto:atrick@enkyadheritagemedia.co.uk">patrick@enkyadheritagemedia.co.uk</a></font></p>

<p><img alt="Pascoe%20TAG%202010%20%281%29.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/Pascoe%20TAG%202010%20%281%29.jpg" width="600" height="411" /></p>

<p>This archaeolog reviews the session ‘An Artful Integration: Possible Futures for Archaeology and Creative Work’ which took place at TAG Bristol on December 17th 2010 and brought together archaeologists, artists, performers, composers and digital media creatives. The formal session summary further details available below:<br />
<a href="http://www.nomadit.co.uk/tag/tag2010/panels.php5?PanelID=832">http://www.nomadit.co.uk/tag/tag2010/panels.php5?PanelID=832</a><br />
<a href="http://www.enkyadheritagemedia.co.uk/session-summary/">http://www.enkyadheritagemedia.co.uk/session-summary/</a><br />
Here, in three parts, the aims of the session, a summary of the main themes presented, and directions for future interrogation will be briefly introduced. Feedback and comments on where we should go from here are actively invited.</p>

<p><font color=orange><strong>Aims:</strong></font></p>

<p>We (Hadley and Maxwell) seek positive ways of integrating and recognising the value of creative work into the archaeological discourse. <br />
We designed the session as a mixture of contributions; those that showcase the benefits of creative work for archaeological practice, the presentation of the past and archaeological thinking (Bosch, Evans, Pascoe, Watson and Crewsden) and more reflexive engagements with the ideas that connect and divide archaeology from creative work (Cope, Dixon, Hadley, Maxwell).</p>

<p>It was hoped that further discussion would help the participants identify some of the issues that still make many archaeologists suspicious of creative work, in practice, the session developed in somewhat different, but positive, directions.</p>

<p>The session was a space for exhibition and criticism of artful integrations with archaeology and aimed overall to examine what steps may be necessary to recognise the value and utility of creative work for, and in, archaeology.</p>

<p>The four main issues raised were:</p>

<p>1.	Archaeology is Art: Are there underplayed creative elements in accepted archaeological practice? Or ways in which archaeology can contribute to creative endeavour?</p>

<p>2.	Transparent reasoning and rigour: The strength of formal text is its transparency of reasoning. Do creative works necessarily obscure reasoning?</p>

<p>3.	Invisible humanity: What are the risks in portraying elements of the past invisible to archaeology?</p>

<p>4.	Skills for creativity: How can archaeologists learn to interact with and interrogate creative work as a valued contribution to the field?<br />
</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p><font color=orange><strong>Main Themes Presented:</strong></font></p>

<p>Follow this Flickr link to see photographs from the session: <a href="http://www.flickr.com/groups/1638287@N22/">http://www.flickr.com/groups/1638287@N22/</a></p>

<p>Four main cross-over themes emerged from the session. These were:</p>

<p>1.	The emotive, evoking, performative and communicative power of creative integration: putting things in an experiential context.</p>

<p>The success of different modes of creative integration were exhibited, including the employment of film (Bosch, Watson and Crewsdon), performance (Pascoe and Easterby), drawing (Evans), music (Watson and Crewsdon) and installation (Evans, Watson and Crewsdon). Watson and Crewsdon exhibited a film with a composed music score titled ‘Stones from the Sky’ (commissioned by Penrith and Eden Museum). This work expressed the knowledge gathered from traditional forms of archaeological data (papers, museum collections and fieldwork), following the sourcing, making and deposition of a Neolithic stone axe. They noted how the process of creating this installation prompted original research and it was clear how the resulting emotive interpretation fully contextualised the archaeological objects within whole landscapes visually and in the visitors’ imagination. The participatory performance of a noisy fire lighting ceremony by Red Earth (Pascoe and Easterby) in the courtyard of Bristol University Wills Memorial Building immersed people in togetherness, anticipation, unease and elation. The landscape, feelings and expectations of those who took part were effectively transformed through rhythmic  movement, breathing, the playing of instruments (including horns and cymbals) and ultimately the lighting of fire. <br />
<a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6IIhK9crCRQ"><br />
<img alt="redearth.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/redearth.jpg" width="600" height="369" /></a></p>

<p>2.	Theories of creativity: the opening up of under-explored academic lines of discourse about our sensible relations with things.</p>

<p>It was noted by most contributors that archaeology has much to learn and gain from theories of creativity. Cope brought to attention Nietzsche’s thesis of the ‘Will to Power’ and how this provides an understanding of the innate creativity present in all objects enacted through ‘presencing’ and different ‘ways of seeing’ by the subject. This provides a move towards breaking down the subject/object dichotomy by understanding discursive and imaginative material-culture events and relations. Comparatively, Evans’ creative research as an artist is ‘presenced’ via a blog <a href="http://www.osteography.wordpress.com">www.osteography.wordpress.com</a>. Informed by Bourriaud’s theory of ‘Relational Aesthetics’, he is interested in modes of interactive representation and the resulting responses to his work, including drawings, paintings and writings. In this way, a dialogue between people and art work is manifested.</p>

<p>3.	Creative contribution to interpretation in the field and in the institution, providing previously unrecognised and unresearched possibilities.</p>

<p>Evans tackles this directly in his working methodology, while the artist Bosch, during her residency in Çatalhöyük, Turkey, demonstrated how her stop-motion video of the moving arc of light in one of the reconstructed prehistoric houses lead to a previously unrecognised interpretation of the positioning of the roof-top entrances. After seeing this creative integration, the archaeologist Hodder recognised the moving projection of light on the walls as a sun-clock, which may explain the placement of these entrances. This, it was argued, would not have been recognised using formal methods of archaeological excavation and data collection. Indeed, every paper in the session introduced novel methodological possibilities for enquiring into or imagining the past, whether these were performative, haptic, visual, acoustic, theoretical or any combination of these.</p>

<p>4.	A healthy critical awareness of artful integration.</p>

<p>Dixon asked ’Is it Good?’, cautioning that art is too often adopted by archaeologists uncritically, as a form of primary evidence or as a good way of communicating the results of archaeology to the public. This is patronising and the actual processes of artistic interpretation and practice, it was argued, need to be recognised by archaeologists. On this theme, Maxwell’s exploration of an archaeological site plan displayed on the wall in a project office proposed that, in fact, art and archaeology both adopt creative methodologies. Both art and archaeology produce open-ended embodiments of ‘Messy Thinking’ (Mitchell quoted in Cajori 1992); artworks which can, and should, be re-interpreted and re-analysed. These two contributions, and others in the session, considered different ways of thinking: are creative ways of thinking unique to art, or can they also be found in archaeology?</p>

<p><font color=orange><strong>Future Directions:</strong></font></p>

<p>Contributions were eclectic and provoking, arousing exciting possibilities. It became clear that we are only at the start of a conversation, with many questions remaining unanswered. All of the contributors to the session exhibited the obvious value and utility of creative work and creative thinking for, and in, archaeology. Art and archaeology were recognised as having their own ontologies and skills (Dixon), though the boundaries are perhaps more blurred than previously realised (Maxwell). What remains unclear is how this relationship should progress and work practically:</p>

<p>1.	How should this relationship between art and creative work be practically arranged in the field, in the office and in the museum? Should artful integration be considered its own discipline, or is its strength in its un-disciplining? Should museums and publications embrace more artful integrations and does this risk or alter the knowledge disseminated?</p>

<p>2.	How can the varied creative methodologies of performative, haptic, visual, acoustic and theoretical be critically integrated into the archaeological discourse and recognised as a valuable contribution?</p>

<p>3.	What does archaeology have to offer art? It has been brought to attention that we need to better understand the similarities and differences in artistic and archaeological practices.</p>

<p>Hadley began the session with an historical and contemporary examination of the ‘borderlands’ of artistic intervention in archaeology. Archaeologists’ fascination with art, and artists’ fascination with archaeology has a long history (Renfrew 2003). Now is the time for reflection on this relationship, with the hope of opening up positive possibilities for artful integration enriching our engagements, understandings, imaginings and disseminations of the past. Let’s embrace the future of creative artful integrations and not be scared to ‘Put our Pens Down’ (Pascoe) or revel in ‘Messy Thinking’ (Mitchell quoted in Cajori 1992)!</p>

<p><font color=orange><strong>Acknowledgements:</strong></font></p>

<p>Our extended thanks to Dr. Timothy Taylor who chaired the session and for providing the photographs and video attached here. Also, thanks to all the participants for making such a vibrant and successful session. </p>

<p><font color=orange><strong>References:</strong></font></p>

<p>Renfrew, C. 2003 Figuring it Out. Thames and Hudson: London</p>

<p>Cajori, M. 1992 Joan Mitchell, Portrait of an Abstract Painter, film 58 mins.</p>

<p><font color=orange><strong>List of Contributors to Artful Integration at TAG 2010:</strong></font></p>

<p>Andrew Cope (Plymouth University)</p>

<p>Aaron Watson and John Crewdson (Royal Holloway University of London)</p>

<p>Simon Pascoe and Caitlin Easterby (Red Earth)</p>

<p>James Dixon (UWE)</p>

<p>Paul Evans</p>

<p>Eva Bosch</p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>Call for Papers CHAT 2011: Boston University &apos;People and Things in Motion&apos;.  November 11 - 13 2011</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/2011/02/chat_2011_boston_university_pe.html" />
    <link rel="service.edit" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/mt/mt-atom.cgi/weblog/blog_id=4/entry_id=798" title="Call for Papers CHAT 2011: Boston University 'People and Things in Motion'.  November 11 - 13 2011" />
    <id>tag:traumwerk.stanford.edu,2011:/archaeolog//4.798</id>
    
    <published>2011-02-06T21:45:47Z</published>
    <updated>2011-02-09T12:05:22Z</updated>
    
    <summary>To mark the first Contemporary and Historical Archaeology in Theory (CHAT) conference to take place outside of the British Isles, the 2011 conference theme will explore people and things in motion in both the historical and contemporary pasts</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Brent Fortenberry (Boston University)</name>
        
    </author>
            <category term="contemporary archaeology" />
            <category term="movement and migration" />
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/">
        <![CDATA[<p><img alt="chatbuarchaeolog_opt.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/chatbuarchaeolog_opt.jpg" width="550" height="324" /></p>

<p>To mark the first Contemporary and Historical Archaeology in Theory (CHAT) conference to take place outside of the British Isles, the 2011 conference theme will explore people and things in motion in both the historical and contemporary pasts. From the movement of billions of peoples and things across the world’s oceans to the proliferation of multi-national corporations and brands, the last five hundred years have brought about the birth of a truly globalized world. We expect that some presenters will emphasize what they see as the positive aspects of global movements, e.g., the emergence of new social groups, materials, and technologies, while others will examine the negative effects of globalization, such as the destruction of cultures and heritages, exploitation of resources, and slavery and forced migration.<br />
</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p>Understanding the processes and trajectories through which people and things came to occupy certain places can offer new insights into the past and present across landscapes and time. The 2011 CHAT conference will challenge scholars to scrutinize the dimensions of motion through sub-themes such as translocation and migration, multi-sited archaeologies, specific material and individual trajectories, and the movement and enactment of ideas.</p>

<p>Some guiding sub-themes include: <br />
The physical processes of distribution of materials in the colonial and contemporary world, and the ideas that were the prime movers in these networks; <br />
The reconfiguration of cultural and social meanings as a result of mobility; <br />
Sites defined through their relationship with other sites and landscapes; <br />
The ephemeral nature of movement. </p>

<p>Submit an Abstract at:<br />
www.bu.edu/archaeology/chat-2011</p>

<p>Questions or interested in organizing a sub-theme session?</p>

<p>Chat2011@bu.edu</p>

<p></p>

<p></p>

<p>Deadline 30 June 2011<br />
</p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>Part 3 of Moving on to Mobility: Archaeological Ambulations on the Mobile World</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/2011/02/part_3_of_moving_on_to_mobilit.html" />
    <link rel="service.edit" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/mt/mt-atom.cgi/weblog/blog_id=4/entry_id=796" title="Part 3 of Moving on to Mobility: Archaeological Ambulations on the Mobile World" />
    <id>tag:traumwerk.stanford.edu,2011:/archaeolog//4.796</id>
    
    <published>2011-02-03T20:15:49Z</published>
    <updated>2011-02-03T21:07:12Z</updated>
    
    <summary> (Potsdamer Platz: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Bundesarchiv_Bild_102-00843,_Berlin,_Verkehrsturm_auf_dem_Potsdamer_Platz.jpg) IN-BETWEENESS and CHIASMA “... it is an aspect of time (as you say), but also boundaries and definitions - things don’t end where we delimit them” (Posted by Brad on Oct 13/2009 11:14AM) “ .. Movement...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Oscar Aldred &amp; Bradley Sekedat</name>
        
    </author>
            <category term="movement and migration" />
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/">
        <![CDATA[<p><img alt="414px-Bundesarchiv_Bild_102-00843%2C_Berlin%2C_Verkehrsturm_auf_dem_Potsdamer_Platz.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/414px-Bundesarchiv_Bild_102-00843%2C_Berlin%2C_Verkehrsturm_auf_dem_Potsdamer_Platz.jpg" width="414" height="600" /><br />
(Potsdamer Platz: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Bundesarchiv_Bild_102-00843,_Berlin,_Verkehrsturm_auf_dem_Potsdamer_Platz.jpg)</p>

<p><strong>IN-BETWEENESS and CHIASMA</strong><br />
“... it is an aspect of time (as you say), but also boundaries and definitions - things don’t end where we delimit them” (Posted by Brad on Oct 13/2009 11:14AM)</p>

<p>“ .. Movement is critical as the glue in connecting ... ” (Posted by Oscar on Oct 15/2009 04:17AM)</p>

<p>In Part 2 (Observation), we suggested that archaeological documentation favors movement between sites and rest at sites (for the purposes of documentation). We also noted in Part 1 that archaeological traces are accretions of movement. The tension between these two observations serves as a jumping off point for Part 3. On the one hand we have the ontological understanding of place as one of continual accretion and movement. On the other, archaeological practice has, to this point, tended to focus on the documentation of sites, creating movements that are stops and starts in relation to place. Thus, place, in-betweeness and chiasma (defined below) are all outcomes of movement. Here, in emphasizing ontology, we outline how movement forces us to blur existing boundaries. We replace the sharpness of boundaries with the notions of transition and transcience. Our emphasis is on how places and the in-between come to be, not with what a place is or is not. We begin with in-betweeness.</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p></p>

<p><em>Place:non-place (the problem of dichotomies, yet again)</em><br />
From a literal perspective, in-betweeness is the ‘space’ between places. But in the sense being used here, in-betweeness is productive only while moving. It is concerned with the work of transformation that occurs in passing from one place to another – the intermizzio. To deal with in-betweeness is to deal with conceptions of place, an admittedly large topic. In this piece we want to address one conception in particular, because the notion of movement bears strongly upon it: the binary of place and non-place. Augé (1995) argues for locations with decidedly ‘non-place’ character: they are real and physical, but lie outside of the everyday and routinized places, only becoming apparent through flow and transience. Gonzalez-Ruibal (2008) picks up on this definition, drawing attention to places of destruction and forgetting brought about by supermodernity (Auge’s term). Non-places are (by necessity) either areas that defy a sense of locatedness or a sense of attachment. The non-place status of airports, for example, as given by Augé (1995) and Sheller and Urry (2006), prescribes an individual’s interaction with their environment by channelling you through security checkpoints. It is this movement and transitory nature that facilitates the passage of travellers to other locations that further instils other movements. Foucault’s prison as heterotopias (1986) similarly displaces the individual, prescribing movement and interaction in a controlled cycle of power dynamics. In this sense, place is awarded positive connotations while non-place is decidedly negative. </p>

<p><img alt="811_4.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/811_4.jpg" width="600" height="450" /><br />
(Photo by Oscar Aldred)</p>

<p>There is, however, an opportunity to think about the in-betweeness of transience, which is not about dwelling as in place (through all the types of investments that pertain to this) but rather a dwelling in movement (a different conception of Heidegger’s gathering cf part 4). Consequently, rather than ‘place’ being formed already or becoming entirely stable or restful, it is always in the making: in becoming. So, too, must the in-between be in a process of becoming. As Ingold puts it, whenever we encounter matter it is in movement, in flux, in variation (after Deleuze & Guattari 2004; Ingold 2010: 94). The constitution of place therefore emerges from a project that involves the movement of life/dwelling in which convergence and chiasma, or the crossing between diffuse boundaries, are generative, that are always on the balls of the feet, so to speak (Merleau-Ponty 2002 [1968]; Deleuze 1993; Shanks 1992; Witmore 2006; http://humanitieslab.stanford.edu/23/105). Chiasma is a critical metaphor here because it draws attention to the tenuous nature of boundaries and convergences. With each intersection, something new arises. New boundaries, new places and new in-betweens. Critical, though, is that this depends on active movement. Non-places therefore do not so much occupy the space where places are not, so much as they, following Augé, extend over the area in-between. Place and the in-between depend on ever-shifting engagements with a shifting world that is comprised of movement. For archaeology, it is incumbent upon us to account for this transitory nature, both in the past and in the generation of our own research.</p>

<p><img alt="811.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/811.jpg" width="600" height="450" /><br />
(Photo by Oscar Aldred)</p>

<p>If, as we suggest, movement is a necessary element of an ontology of place, then a definition of place becomes less cognitive and less dependent on boundaries. Principally, movement suggests a continual process of becoming. Simply put, places are not so much defined by their solidity and concretization, but through the flows and convergences that occur in and through them. This is gathering that is continuously on the move. Many scholars have put forward this notion in other contexts (for example, Hamilton & Whitehouse 2008 and the discussion of megalithic quarries on Rapa Nui, and Latour & Yaneva 2008 in discussing architecture), but we expand this ontology also to place. They are not locations per se, but the becoming of located practices brought together through movement. It is thus spatial and temporal, but also situational. Everywhere is potentially a place, and movement (of people, materials, etc.) articulates when there is a where. The dichotomy is, in a sense, not a given, but one that emerges: as does location and meaning. Rather than concerning ourselves with the boundaries and limits of places and non-places, we might better express this as a concern with how movement coalesces in locations and what senses of place arise as a result (in an ongoing process). We might also recall Marilyn Strathern (1996) who asked, if a network is always in process at what point does it become solid enough to be examined?</p>

<p><em>Expressions (of immaterial in material)</em><br />
It is important to express and give an archaeological perspective on place and on the in-between. Doing this though, depends to some degree on inferring the immaterial through the material we encounter. In particular there is a concern to address the issue that things moved between (they produce the in-between while simultaneously breaking down the boundaries of place). We can therefore begin by understanding the material matrix we encounter in terms of how a place is comprised through movement. By this it is meant that we can ascertain what has moved in order to constitute a place. In our session, examples of this were brought forth in several of the papers. Christine Reiser’s paper discussed the necessary movement of groups, ideas and materials between small communities in Connecticut. Bradley Sekedat’s paper highlighted the diverse origins of technologies that enable mining in Attica. The developing picture is that locations are materially interconnected to broader landscapes, that places are comprised of concurrent material presences, and that places originate in the flows of movement – even as they defy definition through movement’s very constancy.</p>

<p><img alt="758px-Ruta_Nacional_A006_%28Argentina%29_-_edit_4.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/758px-Ruta_Nacional_A006_%28Argentina%29_-_edit_4.jpg" width="758" height="600" /><br />
(Photo from: http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Ruta_Nacional_A006_(Argentina)_-_edit_4.jpg)</p>

<p><em>Flows (flows of place and places as flows)</em><br />
Movement is continuously generative, and if we want to understand it archaeologically, we need to develop approaches that can cope with the fluid conditions of generative practices. Materials and bodies flow between places and within places – movement is a necessary condition for places to exist in both respects. Thus, how we attend to location is important, and we should see it as the intermixture of people and things that are present together. However, locations themselves are also in motion because places are so often defined with respect to what goes on at them; we may take an example to illustrate this point. Mining, for instance, requires multiple different steps or stages of activity, all interdependent, and all requiring movement across a landscape that is itself moving (cf. Massey 2005; Bender 1992, 1998, 2001, 2002). Communities move between locations as well – workers walk from homes in towns to fields and mines, as an example. In general, and in brief, movement is, as Oscar Aldred noted, the glue that bonds the place world. Behind the sense of location, connected with place, task, landscape, trade, economy, etc., lies movement. Movement serves to connect landscapes and disparate places, while simultaneously creating fluid borders and boundaries to those very integrated places. Movement activates the in-between by showing that it is itself connected to other places, while simultaneously redefining place all the time. Movement therefore creates new juxtapositions that highlight the active nature in the constitution of landscapes and the importance of understanding these processes for archaeology. The fluid boundaries of place and the notion of dwelling in movement feed into our concluding section: Fluid Interdependence.</p>

<p><em>References</em><br />
Augé, M. 1995. Non-places: Introduction to an Anthropology of Supermodernity. Translated by J. Howe. London; New York: Verso. </p>

<p>Bender, B. 1992. Theorising landscapes, and the prehistoric landscapes of Stonehenge. Man 27: 735-755. </p>

<p>Bender, B. 1998. Stonehenge: Making Space. Oxford: Berg.</p>

<p>Bender, B. 2001. Landscapes on the move, Journal of social archaeology 1(1): 75-89.</p>

<p>Bender, B. 2002. Time and landscape, Current anthropology 43: S103-S112.</p>

<p>Deleuze, G. 1993. The Fold: Leibniz and the Baroque. T. Conley (trans.). Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.</p>

<p>Deleuze, G. and Guattari, F. 2004. A thousand plateaus. London: Continuum.</p>

<p>Foucault, M. 1986. Of other spaces. Diacritics 6: 22-7.</p>

<p>González-Ruibal, A. 2008. Time to destroy: an archaeology of supermodernity. Current Anthropology 49 (2): 247-279.</p>

<p>Hamilton, S. and Whitehouse, R. 2006. Phenomenology in Practice: Towards a methodology for a “subjective” approach. European Journal of Archaeology 9(1): 37-71.</p>

<p>Ingold, T. 2010. The Textility of Making. Cambridge Journal of Economics 34(1): 91-102.</p>

<p>Latour, B. and Yaneva, A. 2008. ‘Give me a gun and I will make all buildings move’: An ANT’s view of architecture in Networks? In Geiser, R. (ed.) Explorations in Architecture: Teaching, Design, Research. Basel: Birkhäuser. 80-89. </p>

<p>Massey, D. 2005. For Space. Los Angeles; London: Sage.</p>

<p>Merleau-Ponty, M. 2002 [1968]. Phenomenology of perception. London: Routledge.</p>

<p>Shanks, M. 1992. Experiencing the Past: On the Character of Archaeology. London: Routledge.</p>

<p>Sheller, M. and Urry, J. 2006. The new mobilities paradigm. Environment and Planning A 38: 207-26.</p>

<p>Strathern, M. 1996. Cutting the network. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 2(3): 517-535.</p>

<p>Witmore, C. 2006. "Vision, Media, Noise and the Percolation of Time: Symmetrical approaches to the mediation of the material world"Journal of Material Culture 11(3), 267-292.</p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>Part 2 of Moving on to Mobility: archaeological ambulations on the mobile world</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/2011/01/part_2_of_moving_on_to_mobilit.html" />
    <link rel="service.edit" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/mt/mt-atom.cgi/weblog/blog_id=4/entry_id=795" title="Part 2 of Moving on to Mobility: archaeological ambulations on the mobile world" />
    <id>tag:traumwerk.stanford.edu,2011:/archaeolog//4.795</id>
    
    <published>2011-01-21T11:29:49Z</published>
    <updated>2011-01-21T14:05:42Z</updated>
    
    <summary> Marey’s chronophotographic gun (1882). OBSERVATION “How does this [materialisation of movement] work for us and contend with moving projects in the way that Latour and Yaneva think about it in ‘Give me a gun and I will make a...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Oscar Aldred &amp; Bradley Sekedat</name>
        
    </author>
            <category term="movement and migration" />
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/">
        <![CDATA[<p><img alt="Part_2_figure_1_gun.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/Part_2_figure_1_gun.jpg" width="600" height="267" /><br />
<em>Marey’s chronophotographic gun (1882).</em> </p>

<p><strong>OBSERVATION</strong></p>

<p>“How does this [materialisation of movement] work for us and contend with moving projects in the way that Latour and Yaneva think about it in ‘Give me a gun and I will make a building move: An ANTs view of architecture’ [(2008)] and Tschumi in Architecture and disjunction [(1996)]: namely something seemingly so unmoveable that on closer inspection movement infiltrates every nook and cranny” (Posted by Oscar on Oct13/2009 03:22AM)</p>

<p>“As archaeologists we are necessarily interested in recovering the material traces of past movements, but these traces can't be disentangled from the time/space in which they occur” (Posted by Keffie on Oct 13/2009 09:14PM)</p>

<p>Many of the issues addressed in <a href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/2010/12/moving_on_to_mobility_archaeol.html#more">Part One on co-presence</a> extend also to Part 2 on observation. Observation raises questions relating to how we contend with material remains of usually immaterial practices. What we mean is that observation brings a two pronged way to consider both more of the completeness of movement by recognising the fact that it is still materialising. We cannot, as is obvious, see movement unless we ‘capture’ it like Muybrudge or Marey did in the late-nineteenth century. Therefore, we look for its indices in material remains. Observing is not just ‘looking’, it is also about intervening and meddling the material by ‘twisting the lion’s tail’ (after Francis Bacon, and Hacking 1983), which is to say, by moving. Furthermore, material traces imply an expression of the immaterial in the material; we cannot see the immaterial, it has to be felt, expressed or re-materialised. Oscar Aldred’s TAG paper asked a pertinent question about observation: how do we articulate this through our representational media? This is a question that lies at the core of the Symmetrical attitude (cf. Witmore 2004; Shanks & Webmoor 2010) and it is one that we hope to add to here.<br />
</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p>There is a tension, briefly mentioned above, between locating and understanding the implications of movement. To locate movement through measurement has the effect of arresting movement outside of the flows of its temporal and spatial contexts. Because movement is both spatial and temporal at the same time, the significance of this is not that it happened, but that it <em>happens </em>and is <em>happening </em>– in the sense that it is ongoing and generative, rather than finished and singular. This is also an idea expressed within Karen Barad’s radical and entangled ontology: ‘The past is never finished. It cannot be wrapped up like a package, or a scrapbook, or an acknowledgement; we never leave it and it never leaves us behind’ (2007: ix). Yet our discipline requires us to give movement an image. In this questioning of representation, for example, the commonly used application GIS is problematic as it does not show the emergent aspects of movement that each of the session papers brought forth so eloquently. Yet it helps to articulate and express what we mean because it is a tool or an instrument through which to look at <em>and </em>manipulate movement. What we mean is that an archaeology of movement should not exclusively focus on the captured image of representation, but also contend with the inter-dependent and emergent meanings that arise during intervention. There is always a surplus of meanings (Hodder 1991: 63) and there is enough of movement left in the material for us to observe. It then becomes a question of using the most suitable approach for the project at hand. The tension within observation between representation and intervention was commented on by the session’s discussant, Kevin McHugh, who noted that archaeologists seem to struggle to give a narrative to their material discourses (cf. McHugh 2009). Narratives we certainly create, but as Sarah Craft mentioned in her paper, the ‘along-ness’ of moving is often posited as being at odds with the material expressions that we encounter. McHugh noted that Cultural geographers, on the other hand, deal with the experiential aspects of movement in their narratives in a manner that transcends this discursive space. Thus, we should consider not only what movement is, but how forceful it is as well. </p>

<p><strong>Annihilating time <em>and </em>space</strong><br />
Archaeology once measured movement so as to articulate it at the exclusion of observational experiences, but more recent approaches put them at the heart of their articulation; such as the phenomenology of Tilley, the work of Thomas, and the performance related work of Pearson. The conventions in phenomenology, on which many of these archaeological approaches draw upon, tend to relate the ‘human only’ perspective of movement. But there are other more substantial ways to relate these. So, rather than simply expressing movement’s measurement or articulating just human mobility, our approach to an archaeology of movement also reflects the mobility in the world around. An interesting proposition to examine is the idea that in articulating movement as measurement, time and space are annihilated, or are rather expressed differently to the way in which they are actually experienced. As Rebecca Solnit, in her <em>River of shadows. Edweard Muybridge and the technological wild west</em> (2004) suggests, the motion photography of Muybridge, from 1872 and onwards, epitomises this transition from lived time to representational or abstract time. And this was a general transition that was occurring in North America and North-western Europe during the late-nineteenth century. Along with the introduction of the railroad, and the widespread use of electricity and magnetism, motion photography removed both the mystery and innocence of movement by literally stopping it dead in its tracks. However, motion capture photography continues to be a pivot between two worlds: the humdrum of going along, and the exotic new world of imaging speed. In this context, the innocence that David Clarke (1973) referred to was primarily about method and technique, but did not extend to the connection that archaeology has had to the articulation of its co-present material world. In one way or another archaeology has always been connected to it, but in terms of how movement has been measured or captured in past and contemporary archaeology there remains a certain innocence. While archaeology is quite similar to motion capture photography in its potential role as a pivot between two worlds, its focus tends to reside on trying to capture movement rather than letting it be articulated as active observation within the material world: it tries to capture previous movements of one sort or another rather than attending to the ones being made in conjunction with contemporary movements (cf. Olivier 2008). </p>

<p>While motion photography captures stages of movement in a forward progression of time, archaeology attends to movement in two simultaneous directions. Archaeological documentation progresses forward similarly to motion photography, yet the act of <em>excavating </em>a pit, <em>deconstructing </em>a boundary or <em>walking </em>a beaten path reveal the shared ‘space’ between past and present (cf. Lucas 2001: 202-4). These practices allow movement to have both a presence in an already materialised form, but also to be situated in the generation of its own movements while attending to the material. Therefore, observing movement requires <em>taking part</em> by aligning the traces that we encounter archaeologically in materialised movement with the movements we engage in during our survey practices (those materialising). Thus, in this way the wrappings that constrain giving a fuller account of past movement are undone while it movements are materialising. </p>

<p><br />
<img alt="Part_2_figure_2_horse_in_motion.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/Part_2_figure_2_horse_in_motion.jpg" width="600" height="273" /><br />
<em>The Horse in Motion, by Muybridge. Sallie Gardner, owned by Leland Stanford, running at a 1:40 gait over the Palo Alto track, 19th June 1878.</em></p>

<p><strong>Giving archaeology back its movement</strong><br />
There are at least two ways to do this. We can change what we mean by movement archaeologically, or we can reduce or even remove the separation between materialised and materialising movement in creating an alternative ontology of movement. The first was discussed in several of the papers in the session. This is best explained as moving from simply recording or mapping of movement in terms of function and purpose, alignment and direction, or simply as points (i.e. the mechanics of locomotion), towards the performance of movement and its embodied knowledge/cognition. The second was also discussed as ensuring that the paths along which movement takes place in archaeological practice have an important structuring contribution to making archaeological narratives; a point raised by Julian Thomas in connection with time geography in an article on Theatre/Archaeology (Pearson 1994). By aligning the objects of movement with the encounters that take place, moving along a path of observation is also a path that uses the traces and markings of movement as a way to structure those observations. These observations are made from the perspectives of looking (representing) <em>and </em>manipulating (intervening). In which case, the path of observation is retreading along these markers as it becomes a path of significance; in a sense re-embodying the walking dead (after Gavin Lucas <em>pers com.</em>). </p>

<p>In both of these ways, we arrive at a closer approximation (that is all it can be!) of Bergson’s real movement, in having cause in a force of motion (2004: 246-91; 2007: 107-32). But while the actuality of movement is lost, what remains are the materialised objects resulting from it and ourselves. In one sense, we are trying to give movement back to archaeology by making movement both much more diverse in terms of its accountability in archaeological narratives because of its heterogeneous and divisible nature, and in making it more homogeneous than it currently is because we recognise its usefulness in all kinds of archaeologies. The tensions between these two also add further import to its productive and generative forces as they propel and give ‘body’ to ‘archaeological’ movements. However, examining movement’s heterogeneity over homogeneity is unnecessarily reductive. We aim to give our concern with movement more symmetry to our own practices, so that it looks and feels something similar to de Certeau’s montage as ‘efficacious meanderings’ (1984: xvii). </p>

<p><br />
<img alt="Part_2_figure_3_blurred_movement.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/Part_2_figure_3_blurred_movement.jpg" width="600" height="400" /><br />
<em>Cross town traffic by <a href="http://www.flickr.com/people/t_schnitzlein/">tschnitzlein</a> (2006).</em></p>

<p><strong>A montage of movements</strong><br />
Movement in archaeology is associated both with rest and with passage. In thinking about movement in this way, there is a certain programmatic effect that movement conjures up with respect to archaeological practice. We might think of this as being the movement between one site and another for the purpose of recording and documenting sites. This stop and start effect is a movement which is defined as much by surveying and the intrinsic rhythmic immobilities of getting to a site, as it is by its mobilities; rest on the one hand, and passage on the other. The space between place is a locus of movement, but it is defined by the places to which one moves, and thus, we need to consider the mobilities also associated with place. The question remains, how do we present this? Accounting for movement in our archaeology requires a blurring process, and an image that combines at least two kinds of mobilities: that of past movements that are materialised, in the concretisation of movement in place, relating to the rest and the recording; and to movements that are materialising in the eventfulness of moving from one place to another and, like movement, the flows of movement at places that are always in a process of materialising (see the Part 3). What comes with this is also the altering of speed of movement and its routine while getting to place and once <em>at</em> place. Referring back to motion capture photography, what we have are durational effects, such as a long exposure of a static camera while at the same time the world around it is in motion. The <em>affect </em>is an image that disrupts our sensibilities concerning movement because it shows blurred streams of movement – take any long exposure image of cars moving at dusk or night. However, what we are used to in archaeology are sharp clear images. Points and lines on maps of once moving bodies deposited in the ground, or, for example, ash cast bodies arrested in mid-flow in the volcanically buried Pompeii and their artifacts and moments frozen in time. But movement is a montage in play; ambiguous as well as purposeful: a combination and convergence of different exposures and circulating durations of movements that create a blurring of space and time. Thus, archaeology needs to become more accepting of these kinds blurred images rather than demanding sharp enhanced ones if it is to attend to movement in a full way. Movement is perpetual, not finite.</p>

<p>-----------------</p>

<p>Whitehead’s notion of society as an assemblage within a field of potentialities, or actualizations, is concerned with the kinds of mobilities we are suggesting here: that its entities are constantly in a process of becoming (Whitehead 2004, 1978). And Lucas’ pertinent commentary on the <a href="http://humanitieslab.stanford.edu/107/3380">notion of assemblage in archaeology</a>, drawing specifically on Whitehead, alongside Deleuze and Guattari (e.g. 2004), DeLanda (e.g. 2006) and Latour (e.g. 2004), also offers some possible paths through the difficult terrain of an ontology that navigates between the virtual and real. What this suggests for our notion of observation and movement, tacking along similar lines, is that movement is both virtual, but also real, transformed as it happens. Thus, movement, just like temporality within this ontological scheme, forms a tension in which the division between virtual and real, representation and intervention, is not so much to do with the activeness or stasis of the events connected with the material, but to do with where we locate/recognise/observe the interstices of transformation between objects and events. In this way, movement and place, spatiality and temporality are sutured together as it were. But instead of time providing the tension as in Lucas’ commentary, it is mobility we turn to. The objects connected with movement are useful and eventful as well as enduring (Whitehead) and perpetually perishing (Latour). And it is the concreteness of these ideas that are peppered in the third part of our extended conversation: in-betweeness and chiasma.</p>

<p><strong>References</strong><br />
Bergson, H 2004 [1912] <em>Matter and memory</em>. New York: Dover.<br />
Barad, K 2007 <em>Meeting the universe halfway: quantum physics and the entanglement of matter and meaning</em>. Durham: Duke University Press. <br />
Bergson, H 2007 [1946] <em>The creative mind: an introduction to metaphysics.</em> New York: Dover.<br />
Clarke, D 1973 Archaeology: the loss of innocence, <em>Antiquity </em>47 185: 6-18.<br />
de Certeau, M 1984 <em>The practice of everyday life.</em> Berkley: University of California Press.<br />
Delanda, M 2006 <em>A new philosophy of society. Assemblage theory and social complexity.</em> London: Continuum.<br />
Deleuze, G & Guattari, F 2004 <em>A thousand plateaus</em>. London: Continuum.  <br />
Hacking, I 1983<em> Representing and intervening. Introductory topics in the philosophy of natural science.</em> Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. <br />
Hodder, I 1991 Post-modernism, post-structuralism and post-processual archaeology, in Hodder, I (ed.) <em>The meanings of things: material culture and symbolic expression.</em> One world archaeology 6. Oxford: HarperCollins. Pp. 64-78.<br />
Latour, B & Yaneva, A 2008 ‘Give me a gun and I will make all buildings move’: An ANT’s view of architecture in Networks?, in Geiser, R (ed.) <em>Explorations in Architecture: Teaching, Design, Research</em>. Basel: Birkhäuser. Pp. 80-89.<br />
Latour, B 2004 <em>The politics of nature</em>. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.<br />
Lucas, G 2001<em> Critical approaches to fieldwork. Contemporary and Historical Archaeological Practice.</em> London: Routledge.<br />
McHugh, K 2009 Movement, Memory, Landscape: An Excursion in Non-Representational Thought, <em>GeoJournal</em> 74.3: 209-18.<br />
Olivier, L C 2008 <em>Le sombre abîme du temps. Mémoire et archéologie.</em> Paris: Seuil.<br />
Pearson, M (with Julian Thomas) 1994. ‘Theatre/Archaeology’, <em>The Drama Review</em> 38.4: 133–6.<br />
Shanks, M & Webmoor, T 2010 A Political Economy of Visual Media in Archaeology, in Bonde, S & Houston, S (eds.) <em>Re-presenting the Past: archaeology through image and text.</em> Providence: Brown University Press. Pp. 87-110.<br />
Solnit, R 2004 <em>River of shadows. Eadweard Muybridge and the technological wild west.</em> London: Penguin. <br />
Tschumi, B 1996 <em>Architecture and disjunction.</em> Cambridge: MIT Press.<br />
Whitehead, A 1978 <em>Process and Reality</em>. New York: The Free Press.<br />
Whitehead, A 2004 [1920] <em>The concept of nature.</em> New York: Dover.<br />
Witmore, C 2004 On multiple fields. Between the material world and media: Two cases from the Peloponnesus, Greece, <em>Archaeological Dialogues</em> 11.2: 133-64.<br />
</p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>A review of Bjørnar Olsen: In Defense of things. Archaeology and the ontology of objects. Lanham: Altamira Press, 2010.</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/2011/01/a_review_of_bjornar_olsen_in_d.html" />
    <link rel="service.edit" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/mt/mt-atom.cgi/weblog/blog_id=4/entry_id=793" title="A review of Bjørnar Olsen: In Defense of things. Archaeology and the ontology of objects. Lanham: Altamira Press, 2010." />
    <id>tag:traumwerk.stanford.edu,2011:/archaeolog//4.793</id>
    
    <published>2011-01-12T15:27:04Z</published>
    <updated>2011-01-12T15:28:51Z</updated>
    
    <summary> During the last decade, three books have appeared that mark a turning point in the way archaeology is both thought and practiced. These three books are Theatre/Archaeology (Pearson and Shanks 2001), The Dark Abyss of Time (Olivier 2008) and...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Alfredo Gonzalez Ruibal</name>
        
    </author>
            <category term="reviews and commentaries" />
    
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        <![CDATA[<p><img alt="Olsen_In%20defense%20of%20things.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/Olsen_In%20defense%20of%20things.jpg" width="250" height="366" /></p>

<p>During the last decade, three books have appeared that mark a turning point in the way archaeology is both thought and practiced. These three books are <em>Theatre/Archaeology </em>(Pearson and Shanks 2001), <em>The Dark Abyss of Time </em>(<a href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/2009/01/the_dark_abyss_of_time.html">Olivier 2008</a>) and the one reviewed here. I think that we can talk now of a real loss of innocence in the discipline, because what these authors do is ask social theory not what it can do for archaeology, but ask archaeology what it can do for social theory (to start with, changing the very concept of what “society” is). This is an important breakthrough: so far, archaeologists generally sought to turn their discipline into something else (archaeology as anthropology, archaeology as cultural history) or overcome the limitations of their profession through the theoretical approaches of other social sciences. This desire has proved crucial in providing the thrust necessary for moving away from the sterile territories of purely descriptive culture-historical archaeology and entering the terrains of theory.  However, the time is ripe now to go a step further. The three works mentioned coincide in looking for the strengths of archaeology vis-à-vis other disciplines, not its limitations. Their common project is not about borrowing, but about sharing, and maybe even lending.<br />
	</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p>Bjørnar Olsen’s book is a vindication of materiality made from an archaeological point of view. Archaeology, writes Olsen, is “first and foremost a concern with things” (p. 2), and particularly with humble, everyday things, but this concern seems to have continuously receded in the discipline, as archaeologists have been more and more interested in looking for the people behind the artefacts.  This interest rested on a consideration that the two can be separated and that the latter are of importance insofar as they allow us to get at ‘people’. Olsen takes a different path altogether: succinctly, things and people are inextricably bound.  Indeed, now that this is becoming more accepted in the social sciences, it is worth noting that the author was among the first archaeologists to call attention to the relevance of materiality (Olsen 2003), at a moment when postmodern anthropocentrism was at its highest point in our discipline. It might be argued that a concern with materiality existed at least since the 1980s, but, as the author demonstrates, those theoretical perspectives that apparently defended things, actually ended up reinforcing the dematerialization of the world: material culture (consumption) studies, landscape phenomenology and the somatic turn (revised in Chapter 2).  <br />
	<br />
However, instead of rejecting previous approaches in the revolutionary way that has characterized archaeology’s changes of paradigm, Olsen carefully avoids throwing the baby out with the bathwater. He points out the failures and inconsistencies of, for example, Tilley’s phenomenology of landscape or Miller’s consumption studies, and then offers his own interpretation of the philosophical sources that orient them. This attitude is related to the author’s self-avowed eclecticism (p. 14), which does not have to be understood as acritical or superficial foraging of theories, but rather as an essentially philosophical attitude. After all, philosophers have always engaged in fruitful dialogues with unlikely colleagues from all times and persuasions, reinterpreting and recontextualizing their ideas. This, again, can be understood as another sign of a more mature and theoretically oriented archaeology.  </p>

<p>This reflexive strategy can be seen in Olsen’s commentary on post-structuralism (chapter 3). The author proves that the archaeology of the last three decades has been frequently constructed on misunderstandings and faulty or hasty readings of theoretical sources: this is particularly obvious in the relationship between post-processualism and post-structuralism. According to the author, there is hardly anything that can be properly called post-structuralist archaeology (p. 46). The idea that material culture has a final meaning that can be disclosed through interpretation is not post-structuralist, but rather early hermeneutics. If anything, post-structuralism emphasizes the irrelevance of context: there is nothing out of context (il-n’y a pas de hors-texte), everything is intersected by multiple meanings. The emphasis on meaning would make post-structuralism a candidate to become the arch-enemy of thing theory. Yet Olsen does not discard post-structuralism as a whole either: there are some ideas that can help us understand the being of things. For example, Barthes distinction between ‘writerly’ and ‘readerly’ texts. None of them are completely open to endless interpretations, there is a resistance in both, but the writerly text opposes more resistance and “insists on being more than a medium for communicating a preconceived meaning” (p. 51). In that, it acts very much like things. The point, then, is perhaps to reverse the analogy—the text as thing—rather than discard it altogether.</p>

<p>If archaeologists did not get it right with post-structuralism, the imprecision is even more blatant with phenomenology (chapter 4), because, after all, phenomenology is about things—things-in-themselves, to be more precise. Phenomenology, as it has been popularized in archaeology, is a way of dealing with how people experience landscape and particularly through visuality. For Tilley’s successors—rather than for Tilley himself—landscapes, “open, multi-vocal and ever-changing” are conceived as something that exist by “virtue of its being perceived” (p. 29).  However, Olsen demonstrates that phenomenology is exactly the opposite: it is a radical challenge to the notion of perception based on human relevance (p. 65). The challenge is especially evident in Heidegger’s writing, and particularly the early Heidegger of Being and Time that is given precedence over the late Heidegger. For the philosopher, things that are ready-to-hand (zuhanden) are not seen by us, rather, we are “practically and skillfully involved” with them (p. 69). We live in a state of immersion (“thrownness”) in the totality of the world (Heidegger’s Geworfenheit) and, in this state, the things of which we are aware are a minority, an accident, the “tip of the iceberg” as Olsen eloquently puts it, that conceals a majority of things about which we do not think—except when they fail, for example. Instead, phenomenological archaeologists have been more concerned with the tip of the iceberg, the things that are “selected for special care” (p. 74), mostly monuments, rather than with the mass of anonymous objects that make up the world. This implies an important critique of the post-processual concept of human agency, with its focus on people that “consciously and carefully manipulate material symbols” as Hodder (1982: 121) put it. The real return to the things in themselves that is proposed in the book is a humbling retreat from the spectacular achievements of interpretive archaeology, Olsen admits. It means paying more attention to the thingly qualities of things and less to their supposed multifarious social meanings and cosmological ramifications.</p>

<p>In chapter 5, the author explores in more detail why things have been forgotten. The critique of modern technology and the rise of social anthropology are described as two of the forces behind the oblivion of (and contempt for) materiality. Another interesting explanation proposed by the author is that things were not easy to categorize within modern divides: neither unadulterated nature nor pure culture, they became an “excluded middle” (p. 103), an abject reality, between the “me” and the “not-me”. From this point of view, there is a problem with the limits of the concept of thing in the book: Olsen mentions in several places the reindeer as a thing. We can doubt whether animals can be comfortably included in such a category. This is paradoxically a modernist insight: the animal as an instrument, commodity or a resource, typical of capitalism, versus the animal as kin and partner, typical of many nonmodern societies (Descola 2005). A relevant point in this chapter is that things have not been totally forgotten in academia: the “singularized artifact”, the one that is “emancipated from the networks of everyday trivia, dirt, and work” (p. 105) has easily found a place in scientific discourses. This can be applied to the field of material culture studies, too: even if the range of artifacts that is taken into account is greater than in art history or anthropology, they still focus too much on singular objects. The task, now, is to reclaim the rest: archaeology, which its indiscriminate concern for everything material (from tiny pottery sherds to roads and cathedrals) is in a good position to undertake this work.  </p>

<p>Reclaiming materiality means also reclaiming another sort of temporality: the memory of things (chapter 6). The oblivion of the time of things is related again to anthropocentric perspectives: once the human subject disappears from history, the past vanishes as well (p. 112). With other authors, Olsen defends that the past lives in the present, and it does so through things (cf. Olivier 2008). But the way this past exists in the present is not always controlled by humans (as museums, archives or monuments are): it sediments in unpredictable ways and brings about involuntary and abject memories. Olsen resorts to the concept of “habit memory” defined by Henri Bergson to make sense of the temporality of things, which is characterized both by its unconscious and repetitious nature and by its particular duration. The concept of habit memory has been explored before by philosophers and sociologists, but those who have been influenced by the Bergsonian perspective have tended to forget things and deposit habit memory on the body alone—consider Merleau-Ponty or Paul Connerton. This is a mistake for two reasons: habitual action is hardly possible without artifacts and, as opposed to performance or speech, things last (p. 121) and, therefore, are tremendously effective in reproducing memory. The kind of duration encapsulated in things, then, is different to that of bodies, performances or speech acts. Olsen complains that, despite attempts such as Connerton’s to vindicate its relevance, “habit memory has formed the neglected story” (p. 124): what has prevailed is a focus on conscious recollection. This is quite obvious in the books about memory in the past, which have abounded in recent years (e.g. Alcock and Van Dyke 2003). I would argue that the problem has to be related to the wider oblivion of the unconscious in post-processual archaeology. It is the conscious, active individual that manipulates things and negotiates with other human actors in the social arena that has been the focus of post-processual research. A focus on things, then, should also imply a turn from the realm of the conscious to that of the unconscious. </p>

<p>This turn to the unconscious is implicit also in the ontological perspective that sees humans and things as inextricably entangled (chapter 7). Our interactions with things, precisely because they are constitutive of our very being, pass in most cases unnoticed. Living with things, as Heidegger notes, is living without realizing that we live with them. The role of the archaeologists is then to make this networks of humans and non-humans visible: “Instead of any central hero subjects—human, worldview, mind—we should envisage a brigade of actors: plates, forks, gravestones, humans, garbage pits, houses, food, chamber pots, law books, musical instruments, and so on acting together” (p. 145). In a sense, what Actor-Network-Theory proposes is something that archaeologists have been doing for decades without fully realizing it and often openly denying it, as if ashamed that the collectives they study are formed by pots, pits and bones, and not by humans-among-themselves.</p>

<p>In the book’s final chapter the author makes a call to take into account the qualities of things by preserving the autonomy of the object—as opposed to contextual theories that emphasize the relations between things. Although Olsen explicitly notes that this does not imply rejecting relational theories altogether, I find that this call is somewhat problematic. The qualities of objects are often inseparable from the relations these objects have with other objects and with people, and if things help to stabilize our world is not only because of their individual solidity and permanence, but also because of their sheer, undifferentiated mass (as Olsen himself notes: p. 158). On the other hand, delving into the qualities of things is easier said than done: how can we do that without falling into the arid descriptiveness of traditional folklore studies or German-style ethnography? One possible solution is given in another book by the author, where he and his collaborators have managed to translate the silent language of things (as found in an abandoned Soviet mining town) into a powerful account of materiality, time and decay (Andreassen et al. 2010). Both Persistent Memories and In Defense of Things have extraordinary photographs (many by Bjonar Olsen himself) that convey the qualities of things in eloquent ways. This does not mean that visuality is the only form of expressing thingliness. “Although words and things are different, writes Olsen (p. 17), this is not to say that they are separated by a yawning abyss” writes the author. Things “may also be transformed (and translated) into discursive knowledge” (p. 61). In a time in which new media experiments (sometimes trivial) seem to be the only way of manifesting materiality, this call for writing can almost be regarded as a gesture of resistance. In fact, I would contend that there is something akin in writing and materiality: their capacity for stabilizing relationships and slowing down time—as opposed to the virtual and the audiovisual. Both writing and things resist the ephemeral, the fluid and the plastic.     </p>

<p>The idea that things slow time and change, which appears in several parts of the book, that things leave “a thick and sticky heritage” (p. 162), is a relevant argument which goes against some of the widely held tenets of postmodern thought (routes against roots). Olsen reminds us the importance of roots: probably not the same kind James Clifford and others had in mind, but they have the same capacity for slowing time, fixing people to the ground, and stabilizing society. Besides, as Jonathan Friedman (2002) has argued, these fluid and ever-changing world of routes imagined by anthropologists and cultural critics is the privilege of a fraction of humanity. Most people keep living purely rooted, material lives—actually, even those who celebrate ephemerality live less virtual lives than they think. What Olsen’s critique opens is the possibility of conceiving of an archaeology of that which does not change. An anti-archaeology for that matter, since the discipline has been always more interested in documenting change rather than in recording its resistances (Hernando 2008).</p>

<p>This is not to say that things do not change. The author argues that there is always a latent criticism involved in habitual living: in our practical involvement with objects, we see failures that we try to amend or things we try to improve. In this way, things change and people change, but always keeping a preserve of the past. This is also the case in the late modern world, where things seem to be superseded so rapidly—we have to remember that the airplanes in which we fly, the quintessence of technological progress, have not substantially changed since 1958. Obviously not all of the past is preserved in the present. The things that are not preserved do not disappear, though, or not always. As ruins and garbage, they become “the material antonyms to the habitually useful” (p. 169). As such, they are not just redundant: they can also trigger involuntary memory and become agents of disruption. They challenge visions of history as progress and continuous narrative.	 	</p>

<p>To conclude, In Defense of Things is both an unequivocal sign of paradigm change and of the maturity achieved by archaeological thinking. As one of the three most important books in archaeology over the last decade, it deserves to become the reference book of archaeological theory for the next two, at least.  Moreover, it places archaeology on an equal footing with other social sciences: this, in itself, is a profound contribution.     </p>

<p><strong>References</strong></p>

<p>Alcock, S. and Van Dyke, S. 2003. <em>The Archaeology of Memory. </em>Oxford: Blackwell. </p>

<p>Andreassen, E., Bjerck, H., Olsen, B. 2010. <em>Persistent Memories. Pyramiden – A Soviet mining town in the High Arctic.</em> Trondheim: Tapir. </p>

<p>Descola, P. 2005. <em>Par-delà nature et culture.</em> Paris: Gallimard.</p>

<p>Friedman, J. 2002. From roots to routes. Tropes for trippers. <em>Anthropological Theory</em> 2(1): 21–36.</p>

<p>Hernando, A. 2008. Why has history not appreciated maintenance activities? In <em>Engendering Social Dynamics: The Archaeology of Maintenance Activities.</em> (S. Montón-Subías and M. <br />
Sánchez-Romero, eds.). BAR International Series 1862. Oxford: Archaeopress, pp. 9-16.</p>

<p>Hodder, I., 1982. Symbols in action: ethnoarchaeological studies in material culture. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. </p>

<p>Olivier, L. 2008. <em>Le sombre abîme du temps.</em> Paris: Seuil.</p>

<p>Olsen, B. 2003. 2003. Material culture after text: re-membering things. <em>Norwegian Archaeological Review</em> 36(2), 87-104.</p>

<p>Pearson, M. and Shanks, M. 2001. <em>Theatre/Archaeology.</em> London: Routledge.<br />
</p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>The Complexity of Making within Disciplinary Traditions: Some Considerations of Ingold’s “The Textility of Making” in Archaeological Production Contexts</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/2010/12/the_complexity_of_making_withi.html" />
    <link rel="service.edit" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/mt/mt-atom.cgi/weblog/blog_id=4/entry_id=791" title="The Complexity of Making within Disciplinary Traditions: Some Considerations of Ingold’s “The Textility of Making” in Archaeological Production Contexts" />
    <id>tag:traumwerk.stanford.edu,2010:/archaeolog//4.791</id>
    
    <published>2010-12-30T20:41:02Z</published>
    <updated>2011-01-01T16:49:49Z</updated>
    
    <summary>Elizabeth Murphy, Brown University In a recent article entitled “The Textility of Making,” Tim Ingold deconstructs what he describes as the hylomorphic model of creation (2010). This model views the material world according to conceptions of matter and form and...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Elizabeth Murphy</name>
        
    </author>
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            <category term="reviews and commentaries" />
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        <![CDATA[<p>Elizabeth Murphy, Brown University</p>

<center><img alt="TITLE.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/TITLE.jpg" width="510" height="329" /></center>

<p>In a recent article entitled “The Textility of Making,” Tim Ingold deconstructs what he describes as the <em>hylomorphic model of creation</em> (2010).  This model views the material world according to conceptions of matter and form and tends to perceive material as static, finished products of preconceived human thought.  In response to this ontological view of the material world, he proposes an alternative perspective, which he calls the “<em>textility</em> of making.” <em>Textility</em>, by emphasizing materials and forces, centers on the movement and processes of negotiation between material and human action.  Elegantly integrating aspects of embodiment, material properties, knowledge vs. know-how, and agency, Ingold’s contribution offers an exciting perspective to archaeological and anthropological material studies.  </p>

<p>In reaction to the work of Ingold, this essay explores the concept of <em>textility</em> in relation to archaeological studies of material culture by considering the dominance of <em>the hylomorphic model of creation</em> within disciplinary methodologies.  It goes on to advocate for the study of locations of production in order to better understand complex processes of making.  These issues are examined in reference to the archaeological case study of Sagalassos (SW Turkey).  In the Eastern Suburbium of the Roman city of Sagalassos are the remains of a once vibrant, ceramic table ware industry, currently under investigation  by an international archaeological project based at the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven (Belgium). Excavations and material analyses offer useful grounds for a discussion concerning <em>textility</em>. </p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p><strong>Textility and Other Approaches to Making</strong></p>

<p>“<em>The Textility of Making</em>” presents some important thoughts on making and materials.  Among the most important points outlined by Ingold are:</p>

<p>•  Making as conceived of as interplay between materials and forces, which requires the “tactile and sensuous knowledge of line and surface that had guided practitioners through their varied and heterogeneous materials” (92)</p>

<p>• Consideration of things not as agents, but rather as “<em>possessed</em> by action” within the “generative currents of the world” (95) </p>

<p>• Understanding that the processes of making should not be distilled into a reverse-engineered <em>chaîne opératoire</em> from the ‘finished object,’ but rather as a fluid, forward-movement based on “<em>improvisation</em>” (97)</p>

<p>• A distinction between “iterative” (exact replications) and “itinerative” (similar but variable) movements in making (98).</p>

<p>Ingold’s work, however, does not stand alone.  Indeed, it can be considered as part of ongoing, if intermittent, discourses on production. Among the individuals who have approached this topic, Sander van der Leeuw (2008) has commented on the disparity of production experiences between the maker and observer.  Those points of view are intimately tied to forward versus backwards–looking perspectives to the production process.  In the case of the maker, the individual embarks on a forward-looking process of production that works from the raw materials to the product.  The archaeological observer, in contrast, begins with the object and retroactively reconstructs the process of production.  These divergent points of departure in considering production processes have fundamental implications for the ways in which the production process and the object are perceived.  In an earlier work by Peter Rockford (1990), the author, who is himself a stone carver, describes the embodied, non-verbal experience of a “stone-tool dialogue” as a topic that is generally “given relatively little weight in the literature” (351; also see Richard Sennett’s <em>The Craftsman</em>,  2008).  Rockford’s dialogue engages the carver in a process of improvisation between the properties of the stone and impacts of the chisel. In the midst of a single improvised action, the force of the blow from the carver impacts the stone, and in response, the tool translates the properties of the stone to the carver. </p>

<p>The presence of voices, such as these, within the archaeological community, however, remains remarkably meager, and it is interesting to note that each of the authors cited above (rather unusually) have extensive personal experience with processes of production / “making”. This observation raises two critical questions: why has the <em>hylomorphic model </em><em>of creation</em> become so entrenched in the world of archaeological thought and practice, and what are the intellectual implications for the dominance of such an ontological model?  </p>

<p><strong><br />
The <em>Hylomorphic Mode</em>l of Creation and Archaeological Disciplinary Tradition</strong></p>

<p>Ingold highlights the genealogy of the <em>hylomorphic model</em> (which he traces back to Aristotle) as a strongly western intellectual phenomenon (2010: 92); from this position he observes that material culture studies have developed a particular affinity with the concept.  In the case of archaeology, such disciplinary reliance on the hylomorphic model can be perceived in fundamental practices of the field. Most notably, archaeological practice is founded on an assumption that people (past and present) engage in patterns of behavior.  These patterns of behavior are significant and are represented in various expressions with the material world (e.g. processes of production, distribution, consumption, use, or discard).  By studying patterns in “the material record” it is thus possible (with proper regard given to cultural and natural disturbance) for archaeologists to make broad social interpretations.  Although certainly an over-simplified characterization, this rendering of the archaeological process is reflected in material studies that stress perceived morphological patterns of similarity/divergence in objects.  By emphasizing patterns of similarity, an often unrecognized preference for idealized morphological forms becomes engrained in comparative observations of archaeological material.  </p>

<p>Nowhere is the intersection of the <em>hylomorphic model</em> and archaeology’s disciplinary reliance on what Ingold calls “iterative” patterns of behavior more evident than in basic morphological/typological classification systems (for description of Ingold’s designation, see 2010: 98).  As a methodological approach used to distinguish such fundamental analytical units as chronological periods and cultural groups, typological classification systems are rarely questioned out-right concerning their underlying notions of form and matter.  This may be, in part, due to that fact that - at some broad level - typological classification systems do seem to work. They have provided the discipline with a means of organizing material and offer the empirical foundation from which broader interpretations can be structured.  Indeed, the coherence in organizing ancient material throughout centuries of archaeological study does highlight that, at some level, there are repetitious similarities in form of archaeological materials – perhaps more expressive of what Ingold describes as “itinerative” processes than rigid adherence to a <em>chaîne opératoire</em> (2010: 98).  The very narrow way in which form and material have been perceived in the discipline is logically reinforced by the nature of archaeological projects and the research questions being asked.  Often material collected from archaeological sites derives from a range of use and discard contexts. Excluded in many cases are archaeological sites of production, resulting in an over-representation and skewed focus on “finished products” and material “successes”, an orientation that can only offer a partial perception of the process of making behind (and within) the object.  Thus, it is not entirely surprising that observations made on a rather small repertoire of objects of morphological similarity have been used to reinforce and validate a <em>hylomorphic model of creation</em> based on preconceived, idealized forms.    </p>

<p><strong>Sagalassos Ceramic Workshops: A Case Study</strong></p>

<p>Workshops identified in the eastern sections of Sagalassos were actively making red-slipped table wares (Sagalassos Red Slip Ware) between the 1st century BC and the 7th (possibly 8th) century AD (for an example of one such workshop, see Figure1).  </p>

<center><img alt="fig1-1ps.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/fig1-1ps.jpg" width="600" height="399" /><small>Figure 1</small></center>

<p>The six-hectare area of the site is marked by a dense concentration of production-related material visible at the modern surface, and excavations into workshops and production dumps have brought to light significant quantities of ceramic wasters (objects discarded due to production flaws), kiln fragments, and tools.  In the study of this material, it has become evident that certain ‘traditional’ ceramological methodologies and conceptual approaches are in some ways insufficient to address the complexity of the material assemblages.  This is largely due to the fact that investigations into production / “making” contexts offer a very different image of ancient materials and the processes that made (and continue to make) them.  In the ceramic-making contexts at Sagalassos, a wide range of objects offer insight into the nature of human-material engagement in production and what Ingold may describe as the “<em>textility</em> of making”. </p>

<p>More specifically, table wares retrieved from these workshop contexts present a notable contrast to those recovered from other urban deposits.  The production material includes morphological forms unknown to other excavation regions in the city and production “mistakes” that do not seem to have been distributed into the city.  In contrast to traditional conceptions of morphological typology, which are often formulated from broader urban-use deposits, analysis of material from workshop deposits demonstrates a much more variable representation of forms.  Indeed, as has been noted by Jeroen Poblome, material from the production contexts often includes examples that fall outside of the established typology for the rest of the city (Jeroen Poblome personal comm.) and represent shapes that are not known from other urban deposits (for SRSW typology, see Poblome 1999).  Thus, it seems that (for reasons unknown) these morphologically divergent vessels were not distributed to the wider urban community.</p>

<p>The occurrence of ceramic production-related materials in workshop contexts, which are markedly different from those found in the nearby urban center, offers another important point concerning the <em>hylomorphic model</em>.  As any archaeologist working with a material classification can attest, no object perfectly matches the archetypes on which a typology is based.  From slight differences in the underside of a rim edge to the width of a ring base, the variation is infinite.  However, such minor differences are often taken for granted, and only when strikingly divergent examples (such as these from the workshop settings) result in a discomfort in attributing a type-designation on the part of the ceramologist is such variation confronted.  The point in which an object is no longer ‘classifiable’ is a highly subjective and mutable threshold that has implications on the determination of ‘acceptable’ versus ‘unacceptable’ levels of variation within a <em>hylomorphic</em> model.  This example demonstrates how analyses of production contexts present opportunities to more broadly deconstruct morphological archetypes reflective of a <em>hylomorphic model of creation</em>.  These ‘exceptional cases’ can be considered as ‘hybrid’ forms of preconceived idealized types (as they often appear to blend traits associated with established form types) or as anomalies of human behavioral patterns. However, from Ingold’s more nuanced perspective of <em>textility</em>, these objects should perhaps be considered as material manifestations of action and engagement that through improvised interactions brought about a unique thing with particular characteristics.  </p>

<p>Among the material collected from workshop dumps in the Eastern Suburbium, archaeologists have recovered a wide range of discarded ceramic wasters.  These objects display important secondary traces with which to consider processes described in the “Textility of Making.” In particular, Ingold’s description of “making” as a process of negotiation between the maker and material is readily discernible in what are often considered to be ‘failures.’  In an example of a SRSW jug retrieved from a workshop dump deposit (Figures 2a and 2b) a secondary disk of clay was applied over the base. </p>

<center><img alt="fig2.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/fig2.jpg" width="221" height="412" /><small>Figures 2a (top) and 2b (bottom)</small></center>

<p>The base appears to have been first cut too shallow to define the ring base and to endure sustained use.  In an attempt to thicken the base, a secondary disk was affixed prior to slipping and firing.  As the secondary disk did not remain entirely attached during firing, the underlying wheel-marks from the first (shallow) base are visible.  This example offers an interesting point of consideration concerning the relationship between maker, material, and <em>textility</em>.  In the process of engaging the clay turning on the wheel, the maker applied force, and the particles, platelets, and inclusions and other constituents of the clay body actively engaged-back with the maker. This process of interaction brought about a series of negotiations – some of which appear to have been unexpected to the maker and which instigated a series of re-negotiations.  The vessel with an uneven base never appears to have been “used” in traditional, functional terms and was discarded in the Eastern Suburbium. However, the negotiation involved in its making demonstrates the flexibility and fluidity of the production process, which engages the maker in a series of (often) unpredictable exchanges and precludes the production of idealized forms.   </p>

<p><strong>Some Considerations </strong></p>

<p>The examples outlined in the Sagalassos case study highlight some of the ways in which the study of production contexts, as places of making, can contribute to a broader understanding of the issues raised by Tim Ingold in “The Textility of Making”.  First, they offer material with which to consider how production processes are a nonlinear set of interactions. Through an exchange of force and matter, the process of making is a constant flow of improvised engagement. These processes can often lead to unexpected exchanges and re-negotiations – such as the example of the secondary applied base.  Such improvisation and unexpectedness preclude the possibility of actualizing a preconceived <em>hylomorphic model</em>.  </p>

<p>Second, production contexts can offer a more extensive body of material, which is divergent in other settings.  Such morphological variance presents extreme instances in which typologies ‘don’t work’ and in which the specialist is confronted with the generalizing nature and the inconsistencies of the <em>hylomorphic</em> model.  These morphological typologies are foundational to much of archaeological practice, and unique objects found in production settings, such as at Sagalassos, are disquieting reminders of the limitations and problems associated with idealized archetypal associations.  </p>

<p>Third, the unique body of material that is found in the workshops of Sagalassos demonstrates a need on the part of the discipline to explore a wider range of archaeological settings.  In the case of Sagalassos, ceramic table wares found in urban contexts tend to represent tighter sets of morphological types, and it is only by analyzing table wares from their production locations that a wider variety of making can be discerned.  Although examining why this divergence appears archaeologically is beyond the scope of this essay, the fact that primary artifact typologies may not represent the range of things actually made in antiquity reinforces the disciplinary necessity to explore a wider range of archaeological contexts, particularly production settings, and to question the assumptions underlying these<em> hylomorphic</em> models.  </p>

<p>In conclusion, Tim Ingold’s contribution, “The Textility of Making” presents a refined and nuanced discussion on the making of things that is useful to a broad range of material studies.  In light of the examples from Sagalassos, Ingold’s work holds particular relevance to archaeological study – from basic methodological approaches to ontological assumptions.  </p>

<p><br />
<strong>Bibliography</strong></p>

<p>Ingold, Tim. 2010. The Textility of Making. <em>Cambridge Journal of Economics</em> 34: 91-102. </p>

<p>Poblome, Jeroen. 1999. <em>Sagalassos Red Slip Ware: Typology and Chronology</em> (Studies in Eastern Mediterranean Archaeology II). Turnhout: Brepols Publishers.</p>

<p>Rockwell, Peter. 1990. Stone-Carving Tools: A Stone-Carver’s View. <em>Journal of Roman Archaeology </em>3: 351-7.  </p>

<p>Sennett, Richard. 2008. <em>The Craftsman.</em> New Haven: Yale University Press.</p>

<p>Van der Leeuw, Sander. 2008. Chapter 12: Agency, Networks, Past and Future. In: <em>Material Agency: Towards a Non-Anthropocentric Approach</em>, C. Knappett and L. Malafouris (eds.). NewYork: Springer, 217-47. </p>

<p>* Artifact photos taken by Bruno Vandermeulen, and all images kindly provided by the Sagalassos Archaeological Research Project.</p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>Giordano Bruno and St. Nick by the Fire</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/2010/12/santa_claus_and_giordano_bruno.html" />
    <link rel="service.edit" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/mt/mt-atom.cgi/weblog/blog_id=4/entry_id=792" title="Giordano Bruno and St. Nick by the Fire" />
    <id>tag:traumwerk.stanford.edu,2010:/archaeolog//4.792</id>
    
    <published>2010-12-24T23:01:07Z</published>
    <updated>2011-01-16T06:43:40Z</updated>
    
    <summary> Santa Claus (courtesy of Coca-Cola ®) Since this is Christmas Eve, it might do well to try following a Christmas tradition. Or perhaps its intriguing antithesis in this brief speculation. Giordano Bruno said, “To think is to speculate with...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Patrick Hunt</name>
        <uri>http://www.patrickhunt.net</uri>
    </author>
            <category term="art &amp; archaeology" />
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/">
        <![CDATA[<p><img alt="Santa-Claus.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/Santa-Claus.jpg" width="500" height="450" /><br />
<em><strong>Santa Claus (courtesy of Coca-Cola</strong> ®)</em> </p>

<p>Since this is Christmas Eve, it might do well to try following a Christmas tradition. Or perhaps its intriguing antithesis in this brief speculation. Giordano Bruno said, “To think is to speculate with images.” Of course Bruno was burned at the stake for heresy in 1600 in Rome, and one might as well roast for something so speculative about 'sacred' images than for more trivial reasons. This briefest of musings is not meant to be Grinch-like or tread precariously into faith or belief but merely to think (à la Bruno?) about visual representation. The question here is where did Santa Claus acquire his visual persona? Big stout man, full white beard, red cap? Judging by Orthodox imagery (see below), this probably isn’t the way images started for Nicholas, the 4th century Bishop of Myra known for his anonymous charity and as a champion of Christianity. </p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p><img alt="432px-Nikola_from_1294.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/432px-Nikola_from_1294.jpg" width="400" height="500" /><br />
<em><strong>St. Nicholas, 1294 (St. Nicholas "Lipensky", (from Lipnya Church of St. Nicholas in Novgorod, Aleksa Petrov, public domain)</strong></em></p>

<p>Since this spoof of a speculation has to start somewhere, might it be from the same place in the sequence of changing authority when tracking one synchronous Christian image of 'God the Father'? The mutable sequence of iconography might go something like the following.</p>

<p>In the decaying Roman Empire, the image of authority had to change. As so-called barbarians waxed stronger on all sides, Roman imperium waned. Where an emperor like Justinian was among the last the last to invoke Christ in visual self-representation in the 6th century at Ravenna's San Vitale, an emperor-as-Christ, conversely a British 4th century mosaic from Hinton-St. Mary shows the earlier 'mirror' image, a Christ-as-emperor with the Chi-Rho behind and framed by pomegranates, possibly one of the earliest Christ proto-images anywhere. </p>

<p><img alt="hinton_st_mary_mosaic.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/hinton_st_mary_mosaic.jpg" width="500" height="450" /><br />
<em><strong>Mosaic of Christ at Hinton-St-Mary, 4th c. (courtesy of British Museum and BBC)</strong></em></p>

<p>But the new identity symbol of power as Rome declined could have possibly been a so-called barbarian chieftain, more likely a mature and stout, full-bearded German or Goth.  Note (below) the late Roman c. 251 ‘Ludovisi’ sarcophagus with bearded, bare-chested Germanic warriors at the bottom center and right of the frieze being mostly crushed by the troops of the emperor (possibly Hostilian). This was soon wishful thinking.  Too quickly in the centuries thereafter, especially the fifth century, the invading hordes became too much for a collapsing Rome.</p>

<p><img alt="Ludovisi_sarcophagus.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/Ludovisi_sarcophagus.jpg" width="500" height="275"/><br />
<em><strong>'Ludovisi' Sarcophagus, c. 251 CE, 1.5 m height, Palazzo Altemps, Rome (public domain)</strong></em> </p>

<p><img alt="LudovisiSarcophagusDet4.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/LudovisiSarcophagusDet4.jpg" width="300" height="400" /><br />
<em><strong>Detail of Ludovisi Sarcophagus. German in battle with Romans</strong></em> <em>(courtesy of Fred Kleiner,http://faculty.cua.edu/pennington/Religion402/Topic%20One%20Early%20Church/<br />
LectureOne/RomansBarbarians/LudovisiSarcophagusDet4.jpg)</em></p>

<p>Why now continue visually representing divine authority with a weak, obsolete Roman power? In parallel, the imaging of God as the ‘Ancient of Days’ (eternal?) may be traced to the Hebrew prophets in the book of <em>Daniel</em> 7:13 and, when borrowed into Christianity, may refer to either ‘God the Father’ as in Western Christianity or Christ in Eastern Orthodoxy. Blake’s 1794 painting of the ‘Ancient of Days’ is as visionary as any other image, maybe more so, although Michelangelo's face of God from the Sistine Chapel may be more of a authority figure. </p>

<p><img alt="Blake_ancient_of_days%201794%20bm.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/Blake_ancient_of_days%201794%20bm.jpg" width="450" height="650" /><br />
<em><strong>William Bake, 'Ancient of Days', 1794 (courtesy of British Museum)</strong></em></p>

<p><img alt="427px-Creation_of_the_Sun_and_Moon_face_detail.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/427px-Creation_of_the_Sun_and_Moon_face_detail.jpg" width="370" height="499" /><br />
<em>one of Michelangelo's faces of God, Sistine Chapel, 1511 (public domain)</em></p>

<p>The early anti-iconic tradition inferred from <em>Exodus</em> 20:4 (an injunction against the futility of trying to depict a spiritual God in a physical form; sorry, a Golden Calf just wouldn't do) placed alongside a paucity of Paleo-Christian art, due to its illicit nature and poverty of the early Church, would suddenly change when Constantine began supporting state-funded art in the 4th century. Since the kenotic Christ has long been perceived as human as well as divine, it was more acceptable to use visual imagery for him than for the more mysterious 'God the Father'.</p>

<p><img alt="Sant%27Apollinare_Nuovo_00.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/Sant%27Apollinare_Nuovo_00.jpg" width="575" height="425" /><br />
<em><strong>The Magi Mosaic at Sant'Apollinare, Classe-Ravenna, 6th c.  (public domain)</strong></em></p>

<p>The red Phrygian cap is earlier associated with Mithraism, an Eastern religious mystery cult later strongly dispersed with observant Roman legions judging by excavated mithraea and their artifacts. Something similar to this cap is also seen on the Magi in the 6th century mosaic at Sant’Apollinare, Classe-Ravenna, which makes perfect sense if they were star-gazers: these star-following Magi (μαγοι, <em>magoi</em> in Greek) from <em>Matthew</em> 2 in earliest legends seem to have been astrologer Mithraists or depicted to reference them. Isaac Newton wasn’t the only one to notice the late Roman Christian appropriation of the <em>Dies Natalis Solis Invicti</em>, re-birthday of the sun three days after the winter solstice – <em>bruma</em> to the old Romans, when it could be shown to the ancient mind the sun was again growing stronger. This conflating act shows syncretic logic (sort of a “if you can’t beat them, join them” conflation). Since St. Nicholas (4th century) was from Myra (modern Demre) in Lycia, Southern Turkey, it would only be natural and appropriate to thus portray an Eastern saint in a red cap from Turkey (often called Phrygian from a northwestern Turkish region, and the Phrygian cap is one likely precursor of the Santa Claus cap judging by the Ravenna magi mosaic. Early on looking from archetype to archetype, from Phrygian caps at Ravenna to Northern European traditions, distinguishing Magi and Odin Longbeard to Sinterklaas and St. Nikolaus may be visually and philosophically challenging. </p>

<p><img alt="Sinterklaas_2007.jpg" src="http://traumwerk.stanford.edu/archaeolog/Sinterklaas_2007.jpg" width="450" height="600" /><br />
<em><strong>Sinterklaas (courtesy of ABC Australia)</strong></em></p>

<p>But can we ultimately have both a ‘God the Father’ and Santa Claus looking like stout, full-bearded, very mature and venerable Germanic chieftains, the latter the more jovial of the two? Some Spinozan might even say - for good or ill - in an increasingly secular milieu that for many Santa Claus has superseded 'God the Father' as uber-benevolent being. Ultimately this [a]musing bit of spoof is just a Christmas teaser, nothing to be burned up about if all this is perhaps ambiguous like a provocatively thoughtful Philip Pullman thesis. Although if this speculator only receives a chunk of coal in his stocking, that's still better than being one. Of course, Giordano Bruno’s fateful speculations aside, this may also just be pure holiday humbug. If all this speculation is tiresome, sit by the fire - not too close - and have a think while warming yourself with Giordano Bruno!</p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>

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